Tuesday, June 27, 2023

Pickleball injuries may cost Americans nearly $400 million this year By Nathaniel Meyersohn

 

New York CNN  — 

Pickleball, America’s fastest-growing sport, is taking a toll on players’ wrists, legs and shoulders. And it’s especially popular with injury-prone seniors, which is driving up the cost burden.

Pickleball injuries may cost Americans $377 million in health care costs this year, accounting for 5% to 10% of total unexpected medical costs, UBS analysts estimated in a report Monday.

“While we generally think of exercise as positively impacting health outcomes, the ‘can-do’ attitude of today’s seniors can pose greater risk in other areas such as sports injuries, leading to a greater number of orthopedic procedures,” the analysts said. 

 

Pickleball-related injuries occur most frequently in older people, according to a 2021 medical study. From 2010-2019, 86% of emergency department visits due to pickleball injuries occurred in people over 60 years old, according to the medical study. Around 60% of pickleball injuries are sprains, strains and fractures. Twenty percent are contusions, abrasions, or internal injuries; and fewer than 10% are lacerations or dislocations.

The analysts estimated that there will be around 67,000 emergency room visits, 366,000 outpatient visits and 9,000 outpatient surgeries related to pickleball injuries this year.

Pickleball exploded since the pandemic began, and that’s leading to more injuries. According to the Sports and Fitness Industry Association trade group, pickleball has grown from 3.5 million players in 2019 to 8.9 million in 2022. The number of players will jump to 22 million this year, the UBS analysts estimate. 

 

Republican attacks on ESG aren't stopping companies in red states from going green By Michael Copley

Back in the woods of South Carolina's Lowcountry, at a factory spread across thousands of acres near the Cooper River, a company called Nucor is trying to solve one of the thornier challenges of climate change: making steel with the least greenhouse gas pollution possible.

Steel is a building block of modern society. It's in cars and trains and bridges. And producing it is a major driver of global warming, accounting for up to 9% of all the carbon dioxide emissions that humans generated in 2020. Recently, the steel industry's customers, including automakers, have been pushing for a greener product. So, Nucor's exploring its options. It wants to be the go-to company for low-carbon steel.

"We can continue to grow our business and take [market] share because we have something that differentiates us from our competition," Greg Murphy, an executive vice president at Nucor, says as a furnace at the plant thunders nearby, turning scrap metal into molten steel.

But Nucor's efforts to cut its planet-warming emissions put it at cross-purposes with some of South Carolina's political leaders. Republican politicians, including in the Palmetto State, are deeply skeptical of the actions that companies like Nucor are taking to manage the risks and opportunities from climate change. They say investors who reward those sorts of corporate initiatives are focused on advancing "woke" policies instead of making money.

 

In South Carolina, lawmakers are considering a bill that would bar managers of state retirement funds from considering environmental issues when they're making investment decisions. The legislation was introduced after South Carolina's treasurer, Curtis Loftis, said last year that he was pulling $200 million from BlackRock because of the investment firm's consideration of environmental, social and corporate governance (ESG) factors.

The attacks on ESG in South Carolina are part of a national campaign that's being waged by conservative politicians and activists, who accuse companies of using their investments to push a liberal agenda. The backlash tends to be directed at big financial firms that consider ESG factors. So far, Republican politicians have left alone the companies those firms are investing in, such as Nucor, which are trying to operate more sustainably.

As conservatives strive to make ESG a wedge issue in American politics, many industrial companies in the U.S. are working to protect their operations and profits in a hotter world. And the Republican-controlled states leading the anti-ESG charge, despite their rhetoric, have benefitted from those investments. Nucor says it's spending almost half a billion dollars adding a new production line at its steel plant in Berkeley County, S.C. The company recently opened a new mill in Kentucky, and it's building plants in Alabama and West Virginia.

 "We see that strong ESG practices make for better businesses," says Lucas Moreno, a vice president at Argos USA, which has started making low-carbon cement in Alabama, West Virginia, South Carolina and Florida. "It has nothing to do with politics."

 

What is ESG?

The idea behind ESG is that investors stand to make more money over the long term if they know how companies are dealing with risks and opportunities that aren't accounted for in traditional financial models. They're trying to understand what companies are doing to make themselves more sustainable, especially as disruptions from climate change grow.

If drought is threatening a body of water that manufacturers rely on for cooling their machines or for shipping goods, for example, how are they going to protect their operations? And how are companies responding to growing consumer demand for greener products?

ESG proponents say it isn't perfect, and that it isn't a substitute for government action to deal with climate change. Companies have been accused of misrepresenting their environmental records, a practice known as greenwashing. And the strategies that investment firms use to act on corporate ESG data aren't well understood.

Those shortcomings have made ESG "a very easy whipping horse" in American politics, says Tensie Whelan, who runs the Center for Sustainable Business at New York University.

When Republicans took control of the U.S. House of Representatives in January, they promised a crackdown on corporate ESG practices. Rep. Andy Barr, a Kentucky Republican and senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, has called ESG a "cancer in our capital markets" that activists are using to try to starve fossil fuel companies of money.

The criticism has led some investors to talk less in public about their ESG initiatives, and some insurance companies have quit an industry group originally created to drive down emissions.

 

But industrial companies like Nucor say they're pushing ahead with their climate plans.

"For the industrial sector, many of these sustainability issues are existential," Whelan says. Companies are trying to mitigate risks from things like drought and volatile fossil fuel prices, she says, while also capitalizing on new business opportunities.

Executives and analysts say industrial companies are responding first and foremost to the demands of customers, who in many cases have climate targets of their own that will be hard to achieve without greener raw materials and supply chains.

That's creating competitive pressure to cut emissions.

"We think that now the expectation is that companies are going to run sustainably, products are going to have a strong sustainable component to them," says Evan van Hook, the chief sustainability officer at Honeywell.

 

There's no easy way to clean up steel manufacturing

Nucor likes its odds in that environment. By 2030, the company says a metric ton of its steel will have a carbon footprint that's about 80% smaller than today's industry average. After that, it aims to get as close to zero emissions as possible.

"One of the things that's a big emphasis and market opportunity for companies like Nucor is the green and digital economy needs to be made with steel, and the steel that it's made with matters," says Murphy, the Nucor executive.

"It's somewhat pointless to build a solar array if you're going to build it with steel and other materials that aren't sustainable," Murphy adds. "So let's bring those products to the U.S., and let's do it with some of the cleanest steel available."

But making green steel isn't easy. About 70% of global steel production still relies on a type of coal to melt iron ore. The International Energy Agency (IEA) says that to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, the steel industry will likely need new technologies to cut emissions, like hydrogen to replace fossil fuels, and carbon capture and storage to strip away some of the industry's remaining emissions before they leave smokestacks and bury them deep underground.

 

In 2021, a Swedish company called HYBRIT shipped the first batch of steel manufactured without fossil fuels. Since then, the number of projects that are being built to produce steel without carbon emissions has grown, according to the IEA. But the agency said last year that the pipeline of projects was still short of what's needed to dramatically cut the industry's emissions.

Nucor says any steel it makes can be certified as "net-zero" carbon. That means all of the emissions that are generated during manufacturing are canceled out by credits Nucor gets buying renewable energy, and by carbon offsets, which companies get in exchange for investing in things like forest preservation.

Nucor says it's looking at every option to cut emissions

Inside Nucor's factory in Berkeley, S.C., the path to greener steel still looks like heavy industry.

Barges deliver scrap steel to the plant, where it's loaded into giant buckets and ferried through a cavernous building to furnaces that resemble cauldrons. Soot is everywhere. Workers in hardhats sit behind bulletproof glass in a control room overlooking the melt shop. As the lid of one of the furnaces pulls back, the inside glows molten orange. The bucket swings over, a trap door opens and 130 tons of scrap metal crash down. Then an electrode drops into the furnace, and the melt shop booms as electricity liquifies the scrap and iron.

 

"We're generating a lightning bolt," says Robert Yap, who works at the plant, as a monitor shows the temperature inside the furnace approaching 3,000 degrees Fahrenheit.

Making lightning to melt scrap steel and iron requires a huge amount of electricity. The plant uses about 2% of South Carolina's power. And a red phone in the control room has a direct line to the local utility in case power plants malfunction, and Nucor needs to shut off its furnaces to reduce demand on the electric grid.

 

But by melting recycled steel in furnaces that run on electricity, companies like Nucor can quickly cut some of their emissions, since a lot of power plants that run on fossil fuels could be replaced by other technologies, like solar power and batteries to store electricity.

Nucor has been signing contracts with renewable energy projects, and it's pushing local utilities to close their coal-fired power plants. It has also invested in a company called NuScale Power, which recently had its design for a small modular nuclear reactor certified by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.

Nucor is also looking for more sustainable raw materials — the company invested in a startup called Electra that's trying to make carbon-free iron — and it plans to capture and store emissions from an iron plant in Louisiana.

The company says it's pulling every lever it can to meet its climate targets. A machine Nucor built behind the plant in South Carolina is designed to shrink its carbon footprint by removing copper from mountains of scrap steel it ships in. Traditionally, iron's blended with the recycled metal to dilute the copper in a finished steel coil or I-beam. But making iron produces a lot of carbon. So pulling copper out before the scrap heads to a furnace could be a way to bring down emissions.

"We don't necessarily see a pathway to get to absolute zero today," Murphy says, "but we think we can get really, really close."

 

Someone has to pay for sustainability

One of the GOP's complaints about ESG is that it forces companies to do things that distract them from trying to make as much money as possible for their shareholders. But Nucor's focus on cutting emissions doesn't seem like it's a drag on the company's bottom line.

Last year, Nucor posted record profits of $7.61 billion. And its steel was voted the "coolest" thing made in South Carolina, beating out a fighter jet in an online contest hosted by the South Carolina Manufacturers Alliance. The award was announced at the Statehouse by South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster, a Republican.

 

A spokesperson for Loftis, South Carolina's Republican treasurer and an outspoken critic of ESG, said in a statement that Loftis is proud of companies in the state that are making greener products and working to limit climate change. But Loftis believes the goals of ESG "align perfectly with [a] progressive social agenda to undermine the American way of life and take away our economic freedoms," the spokesperson said.

Murphy says that Nucor is just trying to build a durable business. "Sustainability is something that's here to stay," he says. "I really think we've moved beyond it being sort of administration specific. I think the world is recognizing that we need to evolve."

The question is whether customers will be willing to pay a premium for the green products they say they want. Steelmaker ArcelorMittal has said making carbon-free steel would cost up to 20% more than conventional methods.

Moreno of the cement maker Argos says sticker shock has left many customers looking for products that might have fewer emissions, but not zero.

"If you were to charge the full cost of what you could incur to be very green, I think that's when customers go, 'Wait a minute — do you have [a product] that's just a shade of green, not full green?'" Moreno says.

That's a problem because the world is running out of time to keep temperatures from rising to levels that could be disastrous for people and critical ecosystems. The Earth is already nearly 2 degrees Fahrenheit warmer than it was in the late 1800s, and it's on track to exceed 5 degrees Fahrenheit of warming by the end of the century, according to a recent report from the United Nations. Beyond about 2.8 degrees Fahrenheit of warming, storms, heat waves and other climate impacts become much more destructive.

So far, Nucor has announced deals to sell its "net-zero" steel to General Motors and Trane, which makes air conditioners and furnaces.

 "What I would say is, yes, we're seeing a premium," Murphy says. "But I think the appetite for a premium really varies widely."

 

 

 

Monday, June 26, 2023

Is the Army’s New Tactical Bra Ready for Deployment? By Patricia Marx

 Last summer, with the momentousness of a gender-reveal party and the exuberance of a ticker-tape parade, the United States Army announced its first combat-ready bra to the world. They called it the Army Tactical Brassiere (a.k.a. the A.T.B.). Conceived four years ago, the garment is still being tinkered with, but one day it will be a wardrobe staple for all women in the Army. David Accetta, the chief public-affairs officer for the research division developing the undergarment, the DEVCOM Soldier Center (“DEVCOM” stands for U.S. Army Combat Capabilities Development Command), told Army Times that, if the brassiere is officially approved by the Army Uniform Board, “we would see that as a win for female soldiers.” Ashley Cushon, the project engineer of the team working on the item, assured me that it would “reduce the cognitive burden on the wearer.” And a military Web site reported that the A.T.B. would improve “overall soldier performance and lethality.” Gadzooks! Yes, it’s flame-resistant, but what else can it do? Shoot bullets? Hypnotize the enemy? Turn its wearer invisible?

 

I decided that I needed to try on The Bra. Full disclosure: there is no undergarment in the world that would gird my loins enough to prepare me for combat. I shy away from quarrels; I am afraid of bear spray. Clothes and gear, however, are another story, and, surprisingly, we owe many of the things that we wear and use every day to the military: beanies, cargo pants, T-shirts, trenchcoats, and aviator glasses—and can we agree that sanitary napkins count as gear? Duct tape, Cheetos, and Silly Putty all have military origins.

At ten hundred hours, on a cold morning in March, I arrived at the seventy-eight-acre Soldier System Center, a military installation in Natick, Massachusetts, west of Boston, to meet The Bra. At the first of two security gates, I was greeted by Accetta. (Tip: If you can’t arrange for a vetted Trusted Traveler escort, as I did, you’ll need to bring two I.D.s. Your draft record or your Defense Biometric Identification will work.) Accetta and I trudged down Upper Entrance Lane, past yellow plastic crash barriers plastered with such aphorisms as “People First” and “Winning Matters,” until we reached Building 4, MacArthur Hall, C.C.D.C. (a.k.a. DEVCOM) Soldier Center. (Accetta said, “I’m convinced there’s an acronym generator at D.O.D.”) Whoever names these organizations must get paid by the word.

 

The original purpose of DEVCOM Soldier Center, which was founded as the Quartermaster Research Facility, in 1949, was to update equipment that had proved tragically inadequate during the Second World War. For instance, the tents. They might have fared fine if the war had taken place in Santa Barbara, California, in May, indoors. In the muggy South Pacific jungle, though, the fabric succumbed to mildew and disintegrated after two weeks. Soldiers wearing uninsulated boots when they invaded the Aleutian Islands sustained more injuries from trench foot and exposure than they did from enemy fire.

The Soldier Center’s purview these days includes not just textiles and uniforms but shelters, airdrop systems, weaponry, and food. Projects have included a uniform that can change color and one that would enable troops to leap over twenty-foot walls; a courage pill; an “instant chapel,” which can be parachuted into war zones and which contains camouflage-patterned Jewish prayer shawls and compasses that point toward Mecca; a prototype for a protein bar (but doused with kerosene to insure that a soldier would eat it only in an emergency); and, as part of a pest-control experiment in 1974, irradiated cockroaches, which (whoops) escaped from garbage bags in the town dump and invaded homes—a screwup that required six months of repeated DDT and chlordane spraying to fix.

Today, the Soldier Center’s labs are more Willy Wonka-ish than ever. There are two climate chambers—one designated Tropics, the other Arctic—which can re-create just about any environment on earth in order to test products and the responses of human beings. Want to have your vitals monitored while you cycle on a stationary bike with forty-m.p.h. winds gusting your way, at temperatures of up to a hundred and sixty-five degrees Fahrenheit? You can do it here. Copper mannequins equipped with more than a hundred sensors are used to test hopefully protective garments, to see how soldiers would weather flash-fire scenarios similar to those resulting from an I.E.D. And, in Building 36, the Combat Feeding Division food-research people are concocting an assortment of meals in tubes—caffeinated chocolate pudding and truffle macaroni and cheese—to be consumed through straws jutting from ports in helmets. Each M.R.E.—meal ready-to-eat—is topped off with xylitol-enriched chewing gum to replace teeth brushing.

 

But lunch could wait (it’ll remain edible for three years). It was time for Accetta and me to report to the Design Pattern Prototype Shop and meet Ashley Cushon, The Bra’s designer, and Annette LaFleur, the team leader in charge of Army uniforms. Both had on chic black civvies. LaFleur’s group is made up of ten clothing designers and an industrial designer, none of whom have a military background. (Their experience includes fashion illustration, bridal couture, and sportswear design.) “We develop everything from dress uniforms to Arctic Protection Systems to body armor,” LaFleur said, as she showed me the studio. Around the room, headless mannequins modelled camo-patterned prototypes. The first one I saw was the I.H.W.C.U.-F. (Improved Hot Weather Combat Uniform—Female). One of the tailoring adjustments made to accommodate women’s bodies, an accompanying poster bewilderingly explained, is “a pen pocket shifted to allow for elbow bend.” I coveted an oversized jacket-and-suspendered-trousers combo in umber canvas, but it is meant for smoke jumpers—firefighters who parachute into hot spots and need protection both for landing and from biochemical gases.


Across from the firefighters, another mannequin showed off the new physical-fitness getup for pregnant soldiers—shorts with an expandable waist and a jacket capable of swelling. Workout wear for expectant servicewomen is a recent development. Maternity work uniforms (formal and combat) have been around since 1980, created to address complaints that the unsightly appearance of pregnant servicewomen wearing ill-fitting clothes was lowering troop morale. (Since the nineteen-seventies, it has been unconstitutional to kick a woman out of the military for being pregnant.) Laid out on a nearby table was an olive-drab top with a liftable panel, next to a museum-like label reading “Nursing T-Shirt.”

On to the A.T.B.! Just inside the door to the studio, four fibreglass dummies with perky, igloo-shaped breasts posed unabashedly in sturdy-looking black brassieres paired with black nylon Army Physical Fitness Uniform sweatpants. Each was different and represented what the design team calls a Concept. Concept A is a pullover style with padded cups; B is a “shelf style” pull-on with a racer back; Concepts C and D have cross-back straps. C has adjustable compression—the one to choose if you like the feel of a boa constrictor wrapped around your bust. D, with its zipper-front closure and contoured seams running parabolically under each breast, would befit a superhero who’s looking to zip into action lickety-split.

 All four resemble the kinds of sports bras sold at Lululemon, but there are differences. These are fire-resistant, whereas the ones you can buy in stores are basically Duraflame logs spun into fabric. A.T.B.s are made of proprietary compression-knit fibres designed to wick moisture and dry quickly. Another feature of the Army Tactical Bra is that it’s tactical. “ ‘Tactical’ covers anything you wear in combat or training for combat,” Cushon said. “So you have to consider how the A.T.B.’s hardware and seaming placement is affected by other clothing items.”

 

Among the challenges that the designers at Maidenform do not face: how to insure that a soldier’s intimate apparel will remain intact after a hundred launderings, since mending is tricky when you are being shot at. For this reason, many of the garments have double closures—a zipper plus generic Velcro, say. However, according to LaFleur, “the really complex part is sizing. We strive to fit the fifth through the ninety-fifth percentile of our population, which is quite different from a private company that manufactures to a select target market.” In 2012, the Army collected body measurements from four thousand and eighty-two male and a thousand nine hundred and eighty-six female soldiers, through the U.S. Army Anthropometric Survey. LaFleur and her team use this data when designing uniforms. (The information was made public in 2017, and now you, too, can know the number of centimetres in the average “ball of foot circumference” or “ear breadth” or “tenth rib height.”)

But the A.T.B. team wanted to know more. So they authorized the Soldier Center’s consumer-research team, which includes a psychologist, to craft a questionnaire that was sent to eighteen thousand female soldiers, asking them what they needed in a bra.

 

What did they find out? LaFleur told me she was sorry, but that information was hush-hush. I begged. At last, I was given a few nuggets from their findings: namely, some female soldiers bind their breasts with adhesive tape or Ace bandages to reduce bounciness; others buy sports bras a size smaller than usual or wear two or three bras at once to increase support. Pretty much everyone wants a black bra, because it won’t show dirt and grime.

The idea of an Army bra was first broached in 2018, when Cushon tried to develop the Biometric Algorithm Monitoring Brassiere (BAMBI), which would not only keep bosoms in place but would use built-in sensors to monitor physiological changes in the wearer. The high-tech performance undergarment had the potential to tell you if you were tired. It was a non-starter.

I asked when she thought the A.T.B. might be included in the clothing bag issued to enlisting soldiers. As soon as various tweaks were made, she said, the bras would undergo testing. What sort of tweaks? “We’re considering decreasing the amount of loft in the spacer knit to make the design lower profile,” she said. Translation: make the fabric less thick. After the “user evaluations” are analyzed, The Bra will be fielded (Army-speak for “distributed”). But, she added, that action falls under the domain of Soldier Protective Equipment at Fort Belvoir, near Alexandria, Virginia.

 

If you are curious, as I was, why Cushon and her team didn’t make the A.T.B. bulletproof, it is because that would be superfluous. When a soldier is in harm’s way, the brassiere would be worn under a nearly invincible fortress of finery. “We’ve gotten pretty good at the science of stopping bullets. To do it with as little weight as possible, that’s the challenge,” Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Miller, the product manager of Soldier Protective Equipment at Fort Belvoir, told me when I visited the base. Except for underwear, his jurisdiction encompasses “pretty much everything that touches a soldier’s body,” he said, including Integrated Head Protection Systems (helmets, duh). I also met with Major Kim Pierre-Zamora, who specializes in body armor.

In a conference room, I was allowed to play dress-up, trying on one green or greige piece of clothing on top of another, lasagna style. (In the Army, layering is a way to add or subtract protective pieces.) The first component I put on was the Ballistic Combat Shirt—Female, a tight-fitting, camo-patterned long-sleeved top that made me feel and look as if I were wearing a trendy straitjacket from the Marquis de Sade’s 1944 spring collection. “This is the only female-specific item in the kit,” Pierre-Zamora said, explaining that it’s a “variant of the male—excuse me, unisex—shirt. We are gender-agnostic, but we didn’t want to keep giving the female soldiers mediums, and just say, ‘Hey, go deal with it.’ ”

 The B.C.S.-F., she explained, is customized with “side bust protection,” “a sweep in the waist to account for women who may have more curves,” and “shorter sleeves to account for the female form.” It also has a U-shaped notch along the back of the neck, a feature designed for women wearing ponytails but which is now built into the unisex shirt as well, since it turns out that men, too, prefer not to have what Pierre-Zamora called “a big piece of soft ballistics stabbing them in the neck.” In 2021, the military revamped its hair regulations, and it is now permissible to keep hair in buns, twists, cornrows, braids, and ponytails, as long as it does not extend past the shoulder blades while a soldier is standing at attention; hair can be cut as short as she desires. Also acceptable are “solid lip and nail colors (non-extreme).” F.Y.I.: Nail shapes such as coffin, ballerina, and stiletto are forbidden; men are now allowed to wear clear nail polish.

 Next, I Velcroed the Yoke and Collar Attachment snugly around my throat, and then ripped it off, because breathing is important to me. The pièce de résistance, literally, is the Modular Scalable Vest with pockets (front, back, and sides), into which armor plates can be inserted. Since 2018, it has come in eight sizes, three of them engineered for “small-statured individuals,” Miller explained. “Those sizes were purposely built for females, based on our anthropomorphic data, but we use the unisex label so that men are not discouraged from wearing those sizes.”

 

Finally, I stepped into the Blast Pelvic Protector, a pair of open-sided camo shorts that look like a Pampers product. As Pierre-Zamora put it, these “safeguard against underfoot blast and offer nine-mil protection right here at home plate for your reproductive organs.” To complete the ensemble, I donned a rucksack. (The donning required two assistants and took many minutes.) About thirty-five pounds heavier, I did the only thing I was capable of: I sat down. (Fact that will change the way you watch war movies: the average infantryman kitted up for a three-day mission carries a hundred and eighteen pounds of equipment.)

Back in Natick, I asked to try on The Bra. If you think Victoria has a secret, wait until you encounter the wall of obfuscation put up by the U.S. Army. “I worry the fit accuracy won’t be there,” Cushon said warily, warning me that, in such a case, “your comments would not be valid.”

LaFleur was just as evasive. “It may feel one way when you try it on but differently if you train in it,” she said, and offered a compromise: “Would it be O.K. just to take them off the mannequins so you can look at their construction?”

While the armed forces pondered my request, I dove into some historical research. The first American soldier ever to wear a bra-like thingamajig, I discovered, was Robert Shurtleff, who joined the Light Infantry Company of the 4th Massachusetts Regiment in 1782 as an élite fighter. Shurtleff served for seventeen months before losing consciousness in Philadelphia from a fever. The doctor who treated him discovered that he was a she—Deborah Sampson—who’d bound her breasts with a linen cloth. Women were not allowed, and Sampson’s stint in the Continental Army ended.

Women didn’t enter the military officially until 1901, and then only through a back door, when the Army Nurse Corps was founded. Those first nurses, about a hundred of them, were virginally attired in long, high-necked white dresses. The first woman to legally enlist in the military was Loretta Perfectus Walsh, who joined the Navy Reserves as a chief yeoman in 1917; in the next few years, she was followed by eleven thousand other female yeomen. The title makes it sound as if these women would at least be swabbing the deck while ducking artillery fire, but the yeomen—or yeomanettes, as they were called—mostly performed secretarial duties, although a few became switchboard operators (called Hello Girls) and fingerprint experts. There was no uniform for the women, but Walsh found a man’s jacket and improvised. In a photo, grinning triumphantly as she salutes, she’s wearing a wide-brimmed hat, a white shirt, and a neckerchief tied in a bow, looking like the world’s happiest Girl Scout leader.

 

I contacted Tanya Roth, the author of “Her Cold War: Women in the U.S. Military, 1945-1980,” who Zoomed with me from her house, in St. Louis. “When World War II hits, that’s when things get interesting,” she said. On July 1, 1943, women became full-fledged members of the Army, after Franklin Roosevelt signed legislation that changed the name of the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps (WAAC) to the Women’s Army Corps (Wac) and endowed it with all the privileges and benefits of its male counterpart. This included snazzier uniforms. A hundred and fifty thousand women dutifully signed up during the war, mainly working clerical jobs, and they looked pretty swell while doing them. Others worked in munitions factories, doing jobs formerly held by men. To protect them, the eyewear company Willson Goggles manufactured the Saf-t-Bra, a plastic contraption that fit over breasts like a pair of conjoined hard hats.

In 1942, Vogue quoted a male soldier saying of his female counterparts, “To look unattractive these days is downright ‘morale-breaking and should be considered treason.’ ” The next year, that magazine carried an ad naming women in uniform the “Best Dressed Women in the World Today.” The government asked Elizabeth Arden to concoct a lipstick to match the red piping on women’s Marine Corps uniforms. Women marines were issued this Montezuma Red lipstick and matching nail polish in their official military kits. (It remained mandatory for thirty more years.) A Tangee cosmetics ad from the era reasoned, “No lipstick—ours or anyone else’s—will win the war. But it symbolizes one of the reasons we are fighting . . . the precious right of women to be feminine and lovely, under any circumstances.”

It seemed to symbolize something else, too. During the war, rumors circulated that women in the military were either lesbians or hussies. In 1943, a syndicated newspaper column, “Capitol Stuff,” claimed that Wacs were given free condoms. (They weren’t, but men were.) To counter the rumors, the Army needed to get out the message that women in the armed forces were both feminine and wholesome. The Wac director, Colonel Oveta Culp Hobby, ordered her recruits “to avoid rough or masculine appearance which would cause unfavorable public comment.”

 

Roth explained that, although the military used patriotism as a lure to recruit women during the war, after it was over, they had “to sell it by making the women look good.” In 1950, the Women’s Army Corps hired the fashion designer Hattie Carnegie to create six new uniforms for servicewomen. When they were débuted, in a fashion show on Governors Island, the Times noted the apparel’s “feminine charm in cut and silhouette,” the “pleasing taupe tone,” the “trim round collars [that] take the place of masculine revers,” and the “high belt” that lends the slacks “a well-defined and snug waistline.” And the hats! “What a difference! With her light touch, Miss Carnegie provided them with a downward tilt to the right side of the brim and had the insignia placed at the right instead of squarely in the front.”

The advent of the A.T.B. isn’t the first time the Army and a bra have been seen together in headlines. In 1957, when Lieutenant Jeane Wolcott first inspected her unit of Wacs, in Yokohama, Japan, she felt that ninety-five of her ninety-six recruits lacked a feminine je ne sais quoi. Her fix? Falsies, along with girdles and shoulder pads, and, in a few cases, mandatory visits to a diet doctor. One editorial cartoonist called the incident the “Battle of the Bulge.”

According to Roth, it wasn’t until the nineties, during Operation Desert Storm, that the way a woman’s uniform functions became more important than the way it looks. More than forty thousand women took part in that war. In 2016, all occupations and positions in the military were finally open to women. Most significant, women were no longer restricted from any jobs that dealt specifically with battle.

 oday, more than seventeen per cent of the country’s armed forces is female. I talked to a handful of them over Zoom to find out how excited they might be about the imminent arrival of the tactical bra. None had heard of it. From the U.S. Army garrison in Grafenwöhr, Germany, a first lieutenant and artillery adviser to an infantry unit said, “If I could wear pink to work and look like a girl, that would be my preference, but I understand it’s the Army and that’s not an option.” I asked her what advice she would give the A.T.B. designers. “I’m in an airborne unit, so I jump out of planes,” she said. “The last thing I would want is a bra that’s too restrictive.” One recently minted officer from Kansas told me, “I don’t think it is a super-great idea, because everyone has different wants and needs when it comes to a bra.” She added, “I’d rather get a stipend to buy my own.”

After several rounds of negotiations that might have led to a ceasefire in another era, LaFleur and Cushon finally agreed to let me try on The Bra. Before deciding which of the four bra Concepts I should sample, Cushon took my measurements, just as the bra fitters at the Town Shop do. She did some arithmetic and consulted a chart with lots of squares showing “sister bra sizes,” which was a new one for me but did make me feel part of a bigger bra family. She told me that she had recently fit about six hundred and fifty female soldiers with the A.T.B. prototypes. She suggested that I try either the Concept C or the D.

“I could try them both,” I said. Wrong answer.

“I want to be conscious of the time,” Cushon said. I had two whole days, but I decided not to push my luck. Concept D it was. In a glass-walled cubicle, I pulled up the zipper with ease and immediately felt cozily swaddled. The synthetic support was robust and made me think I might enjoy being a mummy. For a moment, my thoughts turned to Barbie, who, in many ways, has one-upped the military for years. Barbie joined the Army in 1989, the year before Desert Storm. Her togs, including a battle-dress uniform and a midnight-blue gown with gold braid trim for nights out as a captain, were approved by the Pentagon. She, like human soldiers, does not yet have a combat-ready bra, but, on the other hand, she does not appear to have problems with jiggling. ♦

Wagner’s mutiny punctured Putin’s ‘strongman’ image and exposed cracks in his rule by Peter Rutland

 

Less than 24 hours after the mutiny began, it was over.

As the rebelling Wagner column bore down on Moscow, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko brokered a deal under which Russian President Vladimir Putin promised to drop criminal charges against the mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin and allow him to seek asylum in Belarus. The departing Wagner troops were given a heroes’ send-off by some residents of Rostov-on-Don – the southern Russian town they had taken control over without firing a shot earlier in the day.

Prigozhin gambled and lost. But he lives to fight another day – for now at least.

The events of June 24, 2023, had observers searching for the right term to describe what was going on: Was this a coup attempt, a mutiny, an insurrection?

Did Prigozhin seriously think that he would be able to enter Moscow? Perhaps he genuinely believed that Putin would accede to his demand to fire Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and Chief of General Staff Valery Gerasimov – two men that the Wagner group head has previously harshly criticized for their conduct of the war.

More radically, Prigozhin may have hoped that he would receive support from elements in the Russian military. Indeed, that seemed to be the case – his group encountered no resistance in taking over Rostov-on-Don or heading north for some 350 miles (600 kilometers) through Voronezh and Lipetsk provinces – though they were reportedly attacked by a helicopter gunship, which they shot down. Prigozhin claimed to command 25,000 troops, though the actual number may be half that figure.

 

But while the mutiny was short-lived and its goals unclear, it will have lasting effects – exposing the fragility of Putin’s grip on power and his ability to lead Russia to victory over Ukraine.

Putin’s impotence

Prigozhin’s abortive insurrection has punctured the “strongman” image of Putin, both for world leaders and for ordinary Russians.

He was unable to do anything to stop Prigozhin’s rogue military unit as it seized Rostov-on-Don – where the Russian Southern Military Command is headquartered – and then sent a column of armored vehicles up the M4 highway toward Moscow. Putin was forced to make a televised address at 10 a.m. local time on June 24 describing the revolt as a “stab in the back” and calling for harsh punishment of the mutineers. But it was the intervention of Belarus President Lukashenko that brought about an end to the mutiny, not any words or actions from Putin. Somewhat uncharacteristically, both Prigozhin and Putin exercised restraint and stepped back from the brink of civil war by agreeing on the compromise deal that allowed Prigozhin to escape punishment.

 

Exiled Russian political scientist Kirill Rogov has argued that the most challenging development to Russia’s leaders may not be the mutiny itself, but the rhetoric that Prigozhin used to justify his actions. In an interview released on social media a day before taking control of Rostov-on-Don, Prigozhin argued that the Ukraine war was a mistake from the beginning, launched to benefit the personal interests of Defense Minister Shoigu and an inner circle of oligarchs. Prigozhin brushed aside all the ideological claims Putin has made about the war – the need to denazify Ukraine, the threat of NATO expansion – as just cover for self-interest. “Our holy war has turned into a racket,” he said.

Prigozhin’s words and actions have exposed the vulnerability of Putin’s grip on power and the hollowness of his ideological framing of the war in Ukraine and Russia’s place in the world.

 

Nationalist discontent

Putin’s constant refrain is that any opposition to his rule – whether it be from the Kyiv government or from protesters at home – is part of a Western plot to weaken Russia. It is hard to imagine that his propagandists will be able to argue that Prigozhin is also a tool of the West.

Over the past 10 years, and especially since the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Putin has ruthlessly deployed the coercive apparatus of the state to crush any liberal opposition. At the same time, radical ultra-nationalists – not only Prigozhin but also the military bloggers and correspondents reporting from the war zone – have been given a relatively free hand.

For the most part, they were kept out of state-controlled television broadcasts, but they have reached a wider Russian audience through social media channels such as Telegram, VKontakte and YouTube.

 

Prigozhin, a former convict who went on to provide catering for the Kremlin before founding the Wagner group, has seen his profile and popularity in Russia rise during the war in Ukraine. In May 2023 polling, he was cited among the top 10 trusted political figures.

It is unclear why Putin was tolerating the nationalists, Prigozhin included, as they increasingly questioned Russia’s war performance. It may be because the Russian president is ideologically aligned with them, or saw them as useful in balancing the power of the generals. Perhaps, also, Putin had come to believe his own propaganda – that nobody could be more nationalist than Putin himself and that Russia and Putin were one and the same thing – echoing presidential aide Vyacheslav Volodin’s 2014 comment: “No Putin, no Russia”.

Certainly prior to the Wagner mutiny, there were growing winds of discontent among nationalists. On April 1, 2023, one group of prominent bloggers, including Igor Girkin and Pavel Gubarev, announced the formation of a “Club of Angry Patriots.” As Wagner soldiers marched toward Moscow on June 24, the club issued a statement of indirect support for Prigozhin.

Prigozhin might now be in the Belarusian capital, Minsk, where – theoretically at least – he can do less damage to Putin. But there are other discontents still in Moscow, and politically active.

Security services in Russia have begun raiding Wagner group offices, but it remains unclear what will happen to Prigozhin’s extensive business operations around the world. Wagner soldiers will be offered the chance to sign contracts with the defense ministry – if they did not take direct part in the insurrection.

 

A lame-duck president?

Putin has no one to blame but himself for the crisis. Prigozhin’s Wagner group was created with his blessing and promoted by the Russian president. It was a tool that Putin could use to further Russia’s military and economic objectives without direct political or legal accountability – initially in the Donbas in eastern Ukraine in 2014, then in Syria, Libya and elsewhere in Africa.

It was not until July 2022 that Wagner was officially acknowledged to be fighting in the Ukraine war. But over the past six months, they have played an increasingly prominent role and have been rewarded with praise in the Russian media.

But as his prestige grew, so too did Prigozhin’s criticism of those around Putin. Starting in December 2022, he began openly challenging Shoigu. He avoided direct criticism of Putin, though in an expletive-laced tirade on May 9 – the day Russia commemorates the end of World War II – he complained about the lack of ammunition for Wagner fighters and talked about “a happy asshole Grandfather,” in what has been taken to be a clear reference to Putin.

It remains a mystery why Putin did not move to get rid of Prigozhin before now – one of the many mysteries of Russian politics over the past century.

Prigozhin has inflicted significant damage on his once all-powerful benefactor. Exiled Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar goes so far as to argue that the failed mutiny has exposed Putin as a “lame-duck” president; likewise, sociologist Vladislav Inozemtsev asserts that “Putin is finished.”

Such definitive judgments are premature, I feel. Putin is a tough and resilient politician who has faced down the most serious challenge to his authority since he came to power in 2000. But there can be no doubt that the aborted mutiny has exposed profound structural flaws in the Russian system of rule.


Thursday, June 22, 2023

Alito in the hot seat over trips to Alaska and Rome he accepted from groups and individuals who lobby the Supreme Court

 

Concerns about ethics and transparency at the Supreme Court have been reignited this week after Justice Samuel Alito acknowledged attending a luxury fishing trip on the private jet of a conservative hedge fund manager.

ProPublica detailed the 2008 trip with Paul Singer. Alito, the report said, did not report the trip or the flight he took on the private jet to Alaska on his annual financial disclosure, and also did not recuse himself from cases before the court involving Singer’s hedge fund. Alito denied any wrongdoing.

While much of the recent criticism about Supreme Court ethics and activities of justices has been leveled at Justice Clarence Thomas – for failing to disclose luxury travel and gifts from GOP megadonor Harlan Crow, a 2014 real estate deal he made with the billionaire real estate magnate, or Crow’s reported tuition payments for Thomas’ grandnephew – other justices have also come under scrutiny.

Last July, Alito was feted in Rome by Notre Dame’s Religious Liberty Initiative, which has in recent years joined the growing ranks of conservative legal activists who are finding new favor at the Supreme Court – and forging ties with the justices. The group’s legal clinic has filed a series of “friend-of-the-court” briefs in religious liberty cases before the Supreme Court since its founding in 2020.

After the high court overturned Roe v. Wade last year, the group paid for Alito’s trip to Rome to deliver a keynote address at a gala hosted at a palace in the heart of the city. It was his first known public appearance after the decision.

At the start of his speech, he thanked the group for the “warm hospitality” it provided to him and his wife, which, he later said, included a stay at a hotel that “looks out over the Roman Forum.”

During various parts of the address, he gleefully mocked critics of his ruling overturning the constitutional right to abortion. What really “wounded” him, the conservative justice said, was when Prince Harry, the Duke of Sussex, “addressed the United Nations and seemed to compare ‘the decision whose name may not be spoken’ with the Russian attack on the Ukraine.”

Justices are often known for usually maintaining a low profile, and the court’s public information office in recent years has been less forthcoming about their public appearances. But the court’s ruling last year in the abortion case propelled the nine jurists and their rulings to new heights and fueled new questions about the justices’ behavior both on and off the bench.

Alito joined the majority in ruling in favor of the Religious Liberty Initiative’s position in several of the cases for which it submitted briefs, including the one that reversed Roe, which he authored, and a 2022 decision that said a high school football coach had the right to pray on the 50-yard line after games.

Stephanie Barclay, the Religious Liberty Initiative’s director, confirmed to CNN that the group paid for Alito’s trip to Rome last year.

“Like the other speakers and panelists at the summit, Justice Alito’s transportation and lodging were covered and of course, he had meals provided like all attendees,” she said. “Unlike other speakers, no honorarium was given.”

The practice of paying for justices to travel around the world to speak is not uncommon for well-funded legal advocacy groups and law schools seeking to fete one of the nine jurists, and the rules of the judiciary’s policy-making body, the Judicial Conference, allow for such entities to reimburse justices for expenses stemming from such travel.

Alito stressed in a statement to CNN that his invitation to speak in Rome was not specifically from the initiative’s clinic, which submits the briefs to the court.

“My understanding is that Notre Dame Law School’s Religious Liberty Initiative has a number of components, only one of which is a clinic that, like the legal clinics at many other law schools, files amicus briefs in the Supreme Court,” the statement said. “I was not invited to speak in Rome by the clinic.”

The majority of the justices met a deadline in early June to release their annual financial disclosure forms, but Alito – along with Thomas – got an extension, meaning more details about Alito’s 2022 travels will likely not be seen until after the end of the current Supreme Court term.

Alito’s decision not to disclose the 2008 trip with Singer on his annual financial forms at the time or recuse himself from cases concerning the billionaire’s hedge fund, has generated new controversy for the jurist, with lawmakers saying it underscores the need for ethics reforms at the court.

Barrett’s home sale

There are personal connections between the Religious Liberty Initiative and the high court as well.

A few months after Justice Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in at the Supreme Court in 2020, leaving her appellate court judgeship and job as a Notre Dame law professor, she sold her private residence to a recently hired professor who was taking on a leadership position at the initiative. Accountable.us, a left-leaning non-profit group, discovered the home sale.

Neither Barrett’s real estate deal nor Alito’s appearance in Italy appear to violate any of the court’s ethics rules, according to several experts interviewed by CNN.

“It raises a question – not so much of corruption as such, but of whether disclosures, our current system of disclosures, is adequate to the task,” said Kathleen Clark, a Washington University in St. Louis Law School professor who specializes in government ethics, of Barrett’s real estate transaction.

Accountable.us president Kyle Herrig said in a statement: “Every federal judge is bound to an ethics code requiring them to avoid behavior that so much as looks improper, except for Supreme Court justices. Chief Justice (John) Roberts has the power to change that, but so far he hasn’t shown the courage. If he fails to do his job, Congress must do theirs.”

The sale of Barrett’s South Bend, Indiana, home to Brendan Wilson, a Washington, DC, attorney who was moving to the state to work for the law school and serve on the initiative’s leadership team, for $905,000 was not required to be disclosed on annual financial forms at the court. Federal regulations exempt sales of the “personal residence of the filer and the filer’s spouse” from transactions federal judges are required to report.

The home sold in May 2021 and Wilson started at Notre Dame that August. In a news release from late 2021 announcing he and two others had joined the group, Wilson is quoted as saying, “When we were presented with the opportunity to move back to South Bend, and to work with the Religious Liberty Initiative, we both felt it was the prompting of the Holy Spirit.”

But given Wilson’s role at the initiative and the work its legal clinic is involved in, some experts said the sale is yet another reason why some rules at the Supreme Court should be changed to provide the public with a more robust understanding of connections between the justices and those involved in legal advocacy before the nation’s highest court.

“The court, frankly, it faces a kind of legitimacy crisis because of the really dire weaknesses of its ethics,” Clark said. “It has the opportunity to address that legitimacy crisis by, you know, stepping up its ethics game – imposing on itself and then abiding by additional disclosure operations.”

At the court, even the slightest appearance of impropriety raises red flags with Democratic lawmakers and watchdog groups, some of which have lodged formal complaints against justices to the Judicial Conference for actions they deem problematic.

Barrett’s home sale to Wilson makes her the third member of the Supreme Court who has made money from property transactions with influential conservative figures or people with close connections to legal advocacy before the nation’s highest court.

Barrett did not respond to a request for comment.

After Thomas’ deal with Crow was revealed, Politico reported that Justice Neil Gorsuch sold a vacation home in 2017 he co-owned to the chief executive of a major law firm that has argued cases before the court and didn’t name the buyer in his disclosure forms.

Charles Geyh, a law professor at Indiana University and a legal ethics expert, stressed that although Barrett’s home sale did not violate any rules, it presents a “perception problem” for a court already facing intense public scrutiny.

“It is addressed by the court being much more vigilant in guarding against perception problems created by (the justices’) financial wheelings and dealings and going the extra mile to make sure that they not only are clean, but look clean,” he said.

The initiative and lawyers associated with it have filed at least nine amicus briefs before the Supreme Court since the sale went through, urging rulings in favor of conservative positions on issues like abortion, school prayer, and coronavirus restrictions on churches.

Barclay told CNN that many people connected with the group help compile the briefs they submit to the court, but stressed that Wilson “really could not be further removed from Supreme Court litigation.”

A brief biography for Wilson on the group’s page says he is responsible “for the transactional component of the Religious Liberty Clinic.” A recent job posting from the RLI explained the clinic’s transactional component includes legal work advising religiously affiliated organizations.

Wednesday, June 21, 2023

Donor bought pricey golf simulator for Ron DeSantis, raising ethics questions By Aram Roston and Joseph Tanfani

 June 21 (Reuters) - After Ron DeSantis, an avid golfer, moved into the Florida governor’s mansion in 2019, workers installed a golf simulator worth tens of thousands of dollars in the private pool cabana so he could practice his game.

 But DeSantis did not pay for the simulator. Neither did the state government. Instead, it was funded by a wealthy donor and prominent businessman, Morteza Hosseini, according to four sources familiar with the matter and state government records.

 

The donation, previously undisclosed, was never reported as a gift by DeSantis, the top rival to former President Donald Trump in the race for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. Florida mostly allows officials to receive gifts as long as they are disclosed and won’t influence their official work.

However, the golf simulator transaction appears to have been structured to avoid Florida’s rigorous ethical disclosure requirements, said two governance experts in Florida. A third expert characterized the donation as appropriate under state laws.

Florida state law requires public officials to file quarterly reports listing all gifts received with a value over $100. But DeSantis has never filed a gift disclosure in his four and half years in office, said Lynn Blais, administrator of the Florida Commission on Ethics. The commission oversees compliance by state officials with government ethics laws.

"In my mind, it subverts the principle of why we require gifts to be disclosed," said Ben Wilcox, research director of Florida Integrity, a government watchdog group.

 

Hosseini, chief executive of Florida developer ICI Homes Residential Holdings and a close ally of DeSantis, said in a statement that the donation was "entirely permissible under Florida law."

A spokesperson for DeSantis said: “As with all donations, it was accepted and coordinated by staff and approved by legal counsel. Donations to the residence and grounds have been received over many administrations. It will remain in the state's possession for the use of first families, their guests, and staff as it is now.”

The golf simulator was technically donated to the Mansion Commission, a state agency that oversees the governor’s mansion, according to records related to the donation, including correspondence between DeSantis’ office and Hosseini. The records were received in a freedom-of-information request.

 

James Uthmeier, at the time DeSantis’ deputy general counsel, said in a Sept. 13, 2019, letter to Hosseini that the simulator would be considered "on loan" to the Mansion Commission for an "undisclosed term" and would be returned to Hosseini "immediately upon request," the records said.

Uthmeier wrote that the loan was “permissible” according to state law and the Governor’s Ethics Code. Uthmeier, now DeSantis’ chief of staff, did not respond to a request for comment.

Reuters could not determine who structured the donation as a loan.

The simulator, like other items loaned to the mansion, is considered state property, according to the Florida law setting up the Mansion Commission. DeSantis, like other governors, cannot take items from the mansion after leaving office without the commission’s approval. Florida’s Department of Management Services, which oversees the commission, did not respond to a request for comment.

"It appears to me that would still be a gift," since it was intended for DeSantis’ personal use, said Barbara Petersen, director of the Florida Center for Government Accountability, a nonprofit watchdog group. Uthmeier’s letter appeared written to "give the governor cover" for not reporting it as a gift, she said.

While DeSantis is known for his political fundraising prowess, the disclosure of the golf simulator shows that he benefited personally from at least one significant donation from a staunch ally in the Florida business community.

Hosseini and his firm have contributed more than $240,000 to DeSantis’ campaigns, finance records show. The developer has been a close adviser for DeSantis, who appointed him to the board of trustees of the University of Florida. Hosseini now serves as the board’s chairman. His company is one of Florida’s largest home builders.

In his statement to Reuters, Hosseini said that the simulator "was provided to the residence gym, as things have been in the past, for the use of the family, guests, and staff, during this and subsequent administrations."

 

"WE SHOWED HIM HOW TO USE IT"

The simulator was manufactured by aboutGOLF, according to one of the workers who installed it. The device can allow DeSantis to play a "virtual" golf round with a high-resolution widescreen that gives precise video of courses played by professionals, and a computer that calculates what the golf ball would do after each real swing.

An aboutGOLF representative said the company’s management declined to comment.

The simulator was fitted in DeSantis’s cabana months after the Washington Post reported that then-president Trump had installed a high-end golf simulator in the White House, replacing a model used by his predecessor, Barack Obama.

Trump paid for his own golf simulator, according to the Washington Post. DeSantis, however, does not have comparable wealth, state disclosure records show. DeSantis sold his own home in Florida for less than $500,000 shortly after moving into the governor’s mansion, and his most recent financial disclosure, filed in December 2021, says his net worth was $319,987, including his retirement funds.

The records show that law enforcement cleared two "Golf Simulator Installers" to do work in the governor’s mansion after the pair were cleared in a June 2019 background check, less than six months after DeSantis, a former congressman, became governor.

One of the installers, Ronald Watson, told Reuters that he and a colleague traveled to the state capital of Tallahassee from Ohio to install the device, which he said was shipped by truck and took up one wall of the governor’s cabana.

Watson did not remember the specific "package" but said it was a "widescreen" – a flat-screen version of the company’s products. An aboutGOLF list of products says those models start at $46,500.

Watson said he met DeSantis briefly after the installation. "We showed him how to use it, and he left right after that," Watson said.

The simulator was included in an inventory of donations to the mansion since 1957 that was also provided to Reuters in response to its public records request.

Wilcox, of Florida Integrity, said he believes the simulator should have been disclosed as a gift. “It may not have broken Florida ethics laws, but it’s against the whole principle of the gift disclosure requirement."

Caroline Klancke, executive director of the nonpartisan Florida Ethics Institute, disagreed. The gift disclosure rule probably wouldn’t apply in this case under a strict reading of rules around donating to state agencies, she said.

Because it was directed to the mansion commission, the donation “could fall within a loophole or exemption” in the gifts law, she said. She noted that the law also prohibits certain people, including lobbyists and state vendors, from making any gifts. Generally, though, the goal of the law is transparency for the public, she said.

The list of items donated to the mansion in 2019 also includes a treadmill at the cabana. According to the list, the “acquisition cost” of both the treadmill and the golf simulator are listed as $1. Reuters could not determine who donated the treadmill.

Tuesday, June 20, 2023

Trump Real Estate Deal in Oman Underscores Ethics Concerns By Eric Lipton

 Details of the former president’s agreement to work with a Saudi firm to develop a hotel and golf complex overlooking the Gulf of Oman highlight the ways his business and political roles intersect.

 On a remote site at the edge of the Gulf of Oman, thousands of migrant laborers from Bangladesh, India and Pakistan are at work in 103-degree heat, toiling in shifts from dawn until nightfall to build a new city, a multibillion-dollar project backed by Oman’s oil-rich government that has an unusual partner: former President Donald J. Trump.

 

Mr. Trump’s name is plastered on signs at the entrance of the project and in the lobby of the InterContinental Hotel in Muscat, the nearby capital of Oman, where a team of sales agents is invoking Mr. Trump’s name to help sell luxury villas at prices of up to $13 million, mostly targeting superrich buyers from around the world, including from Russia, Iran and India.

 

Interviews and an examination by The New York Times of hundreds of pages of financial documents associated with the Oman project show that this partnership is unlike any other international deal Mr. Trump and his family have signed.

  • The venture puts Mr. Trump in business with the government of Oman, an ally of the United States with which Mr. Trump and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, cultivated ties while in office and which plays a vital diplomatic role in a volatile region. The Omani government is providing the land for the development, is investing heavily in the infrastructure to support it and will get a cut of the profits in the long run.

  • Mr. Trump was brought into the deal by a Saudi real estate firm, Dar Al Arkan, which is closely intertwined with the Saudi government. While in office, Mr. Trump developed a tight relationship with Saudi leaders. Since leaving office, he has worked with Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund to host the LIV golf tour and Mr. Kushner received a $2 billion infusion from the Saudi fund for his investment venture.

  • Mr. Trump’s company, the Trump Organization, has already brought in at least $5 million from the Oman deal. Under its terms, Trump Organization will not put up any money for the development, but will help design a Trump-branded hotel, golf course and golf club and will be paid to manage them for up to 30 years, among other revenue.

  • The project could also draw scrutiny in the West for its treatment of its migrant workers, who during the first phase of construction are living in compounds of cramped trailers in a desertlike setting and are being paid as little as $340 a month, according to one of the engineers supervising the work.

     

    Mr. Trump’s business ties in the Middle East have already been under intense scrutiny. Federal prosecutors who brought criminal charges against him in the case stemming from his mishandling of classified documents issued subpoenas for information about his foreign deals and the agreements with the Saudi-backed LIV Golf tour.

    During his presidency, Mr. Trump’s family business profited directly from money spent at his Washington hotel by foreign governments including Saudi Arabia, just one example of what ethics experts cited as real or perceived conflicts of interest during his administration. His stake in the project in Oman as he runs for president again only focuses more attention on whether and how his own financial interests could influence foreign policy were he to return to the White House.

    “This is as blatant as it comes,” said Virginia Canter, the chief ethics counsel to Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a nonprofit group that has investigated Mr. Trump’s foreign deals. “How and when is he going to sell out U.S. interests? That is the question this creates. It is the kind of corruption our founding fathers most worried about.”

     

    In February, Eric Trump, the former president’s son who is overseeing the project for Trump Organization while also playing a role in his father’s re-election campaign, traveled to Oman to visit the cliff-side site where the golf course will soon be built. He met with executives from Dar Al Arkan, the Saudi firm, as well as top government officials from Oman who control the land.

    “It’s like the Hamptons of the Middle East,” Eric Trump said in an interview, declining to address other questions about the project.

     Oman, in fact, is nothing like the Hamptons. It is a Muslim nation and absolute monarchy, ruled by a sultan, who plays a sensitive role in the Middle East: Oman maintains close ties with Saudi Arabia and its allies, but also with Iran, with which it has considerable trade.

     

    As a result, Oman has often served as an interlocutor for the West with Iran, including in the lead-up to the 2015 agreement the Obama administration and other Western governments negotiated with Iran to slow its move to build nuclear weapons, a deal Mr. Trump later abandoned. In recent months, Oman has hosted indirect talks to try to ease tensions between Iran and the United States.

    Oman is also a buyer of weapons from the United States, including Lockheed Martin’s F-16 fighter jets and a Raytheon-manufactured missile system that it agreed to purchase last year. Mr. Trump, while at the White House, had sent Mr. Kushner to Oman in 2019 to meet with Sultan Qaboos bin Said, then the nation’s monarch, to discuss the Arab-Israeli dispute.

     Mr. Trump later reached out to Haitham bin Tariq Al Said, who took over as the new sultan in 2020, to praise “the success of the first eight months” of his rule and to discuss ways to “strengthen the Oman-U.S. bilateral economic partnership,” according to a White House summary of the call.

     

    Mr. Trump did not pursue any new international real estate deals while in office, but his search for deep-pocketed international partners picked up when he left the White House in January 2021, his reputation at home tarnished by the Jan. 6 assault on the Capitol. And it was through Dar Al Arkan, the Saudi real estate company, that Mr. Trump and his family firm got into the Oman project.

    The government of Oman had chosen Dar Al Arkan to run the second phase of the Yiti project, which covers a vast stretch of coastline east of the capital city. Hashil bin Obaid Al Mahrouqi, the chief executive of the Omani government agency that oversees the Yiti project, said it was Dar Al Arkan’s choice to bring in Mr. Trump, but he added that international brands like Mr. Trump’s would help bring global attention — and sales — to the project.

    “Helping us to accelerate the delivery of the project, accelerate also the return of the project, to accelerate the selling of the project,” Mr. Al Mahrouqi said, speaking from the conference room of a beachfront W Hotel that his agency also developed in Oman. “What is good for the project is good for us.”

     Mr. Trump was on hand to close the deal in New York in November, just before he announced his 2024 presidential bid. Executives from the Saudi real estate company visited Trump Tower and showed off designs for the project, and Eric Trump signed paperwork confirming the deal.

     

    “Our partnership with Trump will distinguish our first project in Oman and put it on the global map,” Yousef Al Shelash, the chairman of Dar Al Arkan, said in a statement issued as the deal was signed.

    Neither Dar Al Arkan nor the Trump Organization would say how much the Trump family would be paid. In previous international deals, the family has traditionally taken a fee in exchange for the use of its name, a separate fee to manage the hotel and golf properties, and a percentage of the profits on the sale of Trump-branded villas, if the prices hit a goal.

     

    In Oman, the government’s contribution to the Yiti project starts with the land: It has set aside nearly 3,000 acres along the Gulf of Oman for the project, a quarter of which it has turned over to the Saudi-run Dar Al Arkan. The Omani government will be paid back over time for the land, and get a cut of the profits from the project, according to a detailed description of the deal made public in a financial filing in London.

    Separately, the government of Oman is investing hundreds of millions of dollars to upgrade highways and utilities, and to sponsor the first phase of the project, which includes a Nikki Beach resort hotel that is already being built adjacent to where the Trump golf course and hotel are planned.

     What you see in front of you — that’s a billion dollars’ worth of investments,” said Ammar Al Kharusi, the head of development at the Oman government’s tourism agency, as he stood on the edge of a cliff that overlooked the first phase of the Yiti project, where hundreds of workers toiled below, as countless trucks and at least a dozen cranes hauled in and lifted loads of steel and other building supplies to construct this new metropolis.

     

    Next door is the second phase — called Oceana at Aida — that will be built by Dar Al Arkan on a desertlike plateau towering nearly 450 feet above the Gulf of Oman, offering extraordinary views.

    The area historically has been known for what is called Wadi Mayh, a ravine that remains dry most of the year, but whose raging waters during the region’s occasional rains have left elaborate rock formations that create spectacular natural vistas. Dar Al Arkan and the Trump Organization now want to build luxury hotels, golf course and townhouses overlooking the austere landscape.

     

    Dar Al Arkan was founded nearly three decades ago by Saudi real estate executives who bought up land for future housing developments, and it eventually became a large-scale home builder itself.

    It maintains extremely close ties with the Saudi government.

    Dar Al Arkan is one of the country’s most important beneficiaries of a decision more than a decade ago by Saudi Arabia to pump in billions of dollars of government funds to help create a modern, mortgage-backed housing industry in an effort to expand homeownership. It is also a major investor in Saudi Home Loans Company, which has profited as government dollars flow into the mortgage industry.

    Dar Al Arkan more recently moved into international luxury real-estate development, this time through a London-based subsidiary it set up called DarGlobal.

    DarGlobal is teaming up with luxury brands like Missoni, Versace and Lamborghini — as well as the Trump family — on projects outside Saudi Arabia targeting international buyers. DarGlobal is targeting buyers who will pay as much as a 30 percent premium for a “branded” townhouse and can often buy their units with cash, according to a confidential company document obtained by The Times.

    “There is a big wealth concentration in the world, which means that those people will more and more demand more exclusive products and more exclusive projects,” Ziad El Chaar, DarGlobal’s chief executive, told real estate developers in France this year.

    Mr. El Chaar had worked with the Trump family in Dubai, building a Trump International Golf Club. Pleased with that project, he asked the Trump family to join him in Oman, in what will be DarGlobal’s largest international project, worth an estimated $4 billion.

    The 30-year agreement between DarGlobal and the Trump family designates the Trump Organization as the hotel manager that will “direct the management and operation of a world-class, superluxury hotel to be constructed by Dar Oman within its Aida project in Oman.” The deal puts the Trump company in charge of the hotel budget, its restaurants and any retail stores. The Trump Organization will set prices and market the hotel once it opens under the name Trump International Hotel Oman.

    It will have similar management rights over the 18-hole golf course and golf club, which will be known as Trump International Golf Club Oman. There will also be over 200 “Trump branded residential villas,” according to one company document published in January, and marked confidential.

    The Trump family, the agreement says, will not have to commit its own money to the project, but it will have detailed oversight including reviewing a “model room” that DarGlobal will build to sign off on the design.

     

    “Dar Oman will design, develop, construct, equip and furnish the hotel, at its sole cost and expenses, in accordance with the specifications, standards and requirements issued from time to time by the hotel manager,” the financial documents say, referring to the Trump Organization.

    More than 1,000 migrant laborers are busy in the searing heat building the first phase of the Oman government’s Yiti project. Next door, at the Aida site, where the Trump-branded phase of the project will eventually rise, work on the roads is just beginning.

    The army of workers, in orange, blue or yellow overalls, move deliberately, many of them with their heads covered with towels and other fabrics stuffed under their hard hats to try to protect themselves from the heat, routinely above 100 degrees, during 10-hour shifts. They live mostly in trailer camps adjacent to the construction site, or they arrive in fleets of buses that run through the billowing clouds of dust that blow through.

     

    Like other Middle Eastern nations, Oman has drawn scrutiny for its treatment of foreign workers. In a report last year, the State Department listed “labor exploitation of foreign migrants” as among the human rights issues it is monitoring in Oman.

    Some low-skilled migrant workers in fields including construction “faced working conditions indicative of forced labor,” said the report, which went on to say that Oman has “appropriate” safety and health labor standards that, it noted, an advocacy group said were not always enforced for foreign workers.

    One recent afternoon, the migrant workers came marching out of the site of the first phase during a shift change, walking right past a giant sign promising “Coming Soon to Aida, Trump International Golf Club, Oman” showing renderings of a carefully manicured golf course to be carved from the desertlike land.

    In tiny print at the bottom of the site, it also said, “Trump International Golf Club Oman is not owned, developed or sold by Donald J. Trump, Donald J. Trump Jr., Eric Trump,” noting that this site was run by DarGlobal.

     

    “It’s too hot — too hot,” said Mathan Mp, 38, who is from Tamil Nadu, the southernmost state of India, said as he took a break from supervising dozens of workers at the project site. “But we came for work. We have a time schedule. We have to finish the project.”

    Omani officials said they would closely monitor working conditions for the laborers, adding that during the hottest weeks of the summer the workers would not be at the site in the middle of the day.

    Executives at DarGlobal, Dar Al Arkan and the Trump Organization declined to comment.

    The Trump-branded project is being built just above the seaside village of Yiti, where there are now more donkeys, goats and stray cats in the streets than people, as many have moved away as the construction projects have accelerated.

    The few remaining residents do not know a great deal about Mr. Trump, having only a general impression of him as a rich businessman and politician.

    Htim Talbi, whose family has lived in Yiti for six decades and remains in one of the few occupied homes in the dusty town, said he harbored a far-off dream that he might somehow afford one of the luxury townhouses.

    “Trump — he is your king from America,” Mr. Talbi said, after inviting a visitor to his village inside to an air-conditioned room to sit on the floor and share a pot of tea. “Welcome to Oman.”