Thursday, November 28, 2024

Australian Senate approves social media ban on under-16s by Hannah Ritchie

 

Australia will ban children under 16 from using social media, after its Senate approved the world's strictest laws.

The ban - which will not take effect for at least 12 months - could see tech companies fined up to A$50m ($32.5m; £25.7m) if they don't comply.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says the legislation is needed to protect young people from the "harms" of social media, something many parent groups have echoed.

But critics say questions over how the ban will work - and its impact on privacy and social connection - have been left unanswered.

 

This is not the first attempt globally to limit children's social media use, but it involves the highest age limit set by any country, and does not include exemptions for existing users or those with parental consent.

"This is a global problem and we want young Australians essentially to have a childhood," Albanese said when introducing the bill to the lower house last week. "We want parents to have peace of mind."

Having passed the Senate by 34 votes to 19 late on Thursday, the bill will return to the House of Representatives - where the government has a majority meaning it is sure to pass - for it to approve amendments, before becoming law.

The legislation does not specify which platforms will be banned. Those decisions will be made later by Australia’s communications minister, who will seek advice from the eSafety Commissioner - an internet regulator that will enforce the rules.

Gaming and messaging platforms are exempt, as are sites that can be accessed without an account, meaning YouTube, for instance, is likely to be spared.

The government says will it rely on some form of age-verification technology to implement the restrictions, and options will be tested in the coming months. The onus will be on the social media platforms to add these processes themselves.

However digital researchers have warned there are no guarantees the unspecified technology - which could rely on biometrics or identity information - will work. Critics have also sought assurances that privacy will be protected.

They have also warned that restrictions could easily be circumvented through tools like a VPN - which can disguise a user’s location and make them appear to be logging on from another country.

Children who find ways to flout the rules will not face penalties, however.

Polling on the reforms, though limited, suggests it is supported by a majority of Australian parents and caregivers.

"For too long parents have had this impossible choice between giving in and getting their child an addictive device or seeing their child isolated and feeling left out," Amy Friedlander, who was among those lobbying for the ban, recently told the BBC.

"We’ve been trapped in a norm that no one wants to be a part of."

But many experts say the ban is "too blunt an instrument" to effectively address the risks associated with social media use, and have warned it could end up pushing children into less regulated corners of the internet.

During a short consultation period before the bill passed, Google and Snap criticised the legislation for not providing more detail, and Meta said the bill would be "ineffective" and not meet its stated aim of making kids safer.

In its submission, TikTok said the government’s definition of a social media platform was so "broad and unclear" that "almost every online service could fall within [it]".

X questioned the "lawfulness" of the bill - saying it may not be compatible with international regulations and human rights treaties which Australia has signed.

Some youth advocates also accused the government of not fully understanding the role social media plays in their lives, and locking them out of the debate.

"We understand we are vulnerable to the risks and negative impacts of social media… but we need to be involved in developing solutions," wrote the eSafety Youth Council, which advises the regulator.

Albanese has acknowledged the debate is complex but steadfastly defended the bill.

"We all know technology moves fast and some people will try to find ways around these new laws but that is not a reason to ignore the responsibility that we have," he has said.

Last year, France introduced legislation to block social media access for children under 15 without parental consent, though research indicates almost half of users were able to avoid the ban using a VPN.

A law in the US state of Utah - which was similar to Australia’s - was overturned by a federal judge who found it unconstitutional.

Australia’s laws are being watched with great interest by global leaders.

Norway has recently pledged to follow in the country’s footsteps, and last week the UK’s technology secretary said a similar ban was “on the table” - though he later added “not... at the moment”.

 

Wednesday, November 27, 2024

Framing the upcoming tax debate: 5 issues, 4 paths Commentary Framing the upcoming tax debate: 5 issues, 4 paths by Ian Berlin and William G. Gale

 


Federal tax policy will take center stage next year, with Republican President-elect Donald Trump leading a unified government and many provisions of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) expiring at the end of 2025. But five issues will shape the tax debate, leaving lawmakers with four possible scenarios.

1. The fiscal outlook is bleak.

Over the next 10 years, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projects federal debt—which currently stands at 99% of GDP—will rise to 122% of GDP, an all-time high. These 10-year figures will look worse if there is a recession, a war, or a tax cut. A sound fiscal path will require some combination of increases (not cuts) in taxes and reductions in spending growth.     

2. Extending the temporary provisions of TCJA would be costly and regressive.

Estimates based on CBO projections indicate that extending the expiring provisions in TCJA would cost over $5 trillion over the next 10 years in terms of lost revenue and added interest payments. The extension would also be highly regressive. A Tax Policy Center analysis shows that the top 1% would get nearly a quarter of the benefits, while the bottom 20% would receive less than 2%. If reductions in entitlement spending finance these tax cuts, the vast majority of low-income households will be worse off than if neither the tax cut extension nor the spending cuts were enacted.

3. Trump’s other tax cut proposals are costly.

During the campaign, Trump embraced numerous additional tax cuts, including exemptions for income from tips, overtime work, and Social Security benefits, which together would cost an  estimated $3.6 trillion over the next decade and would hasten the insolvency of the Social Security trust fund. He also proposed a full repeal of the cap on state and local tax deductions, which would cost another $1.2 trillion, plus tax breaks for car loan interest payments and military personnel, first responders, and Americans living abroad. He also proposed reducing the corporate income tax rate to 15%, which would cost at least $600 billion over the next decade. A tax cut for just domestic production would cost about half as much, but providing a targeted deduction would create room for gaming the system, as previous rules did in the past.

4. Tariffs create several problems.

In addition to a broad 10 to 20% tariff on all imports, Trump has proposed 60% tariffs on all Chinese goods. Tariffs are estimated to generate $2.8 trillion over 10 years, accounting for their impact on the U.S. economy. But revenue will be lower in the nearly inevitable case that other countries retaliate.

5. Senate rules will limit tax policy choices.

Republicans will have to use the budget “reconciliation” process to advance any bills that lack bipartisan support. Reconciliation imposes several restrictions. First, Republicans must enact a budget resolution, which determines how large a tax cut is possible. Second, a reconciliation bill cannot address Social Security and cannot increase deficits after 10 years. Therefore, any reconciliation tax bill (like the TCJA) must be temporary or be paired with a corresponding tax increase or a reduction in spending. These rules and some Republicans’ desire to limit deficit growth will create a search for so-called “pay-fors.”

Taken together, lawmakers could take tax policy in one of at least four directions:

Go big, permanently. Republicans might try to pass all the tax cut proposals on a permanent basis. This would cost approximately $10 trillion over the next decade (give or take a trillion). But that price might be too high, especially with required (and substantial) pay-fors after the tenth year.

Go big, temporarily. To keep the reported deficit increase low, Republicans could go for a wide range of tax cuts with expiration dates that can be extended later—exactly like the expiring provisions from TCJA. For example, a package that costs $10 trillion over 10 years would cost only about $2 trillion over two years. Coupled with $1 trillion of pay-fors, the package would have an official cost of just $1 trillion. This would be a bit of a budget gimmick, though, since the official budget score would not count the costs of extending those tax provisions.

Go small, permanently. Alternatively, they might enact some of the tax cuts, but on a longer-term basis. This would still require that the deficit not rise after the tenth year, so Republicans would have to include pay-fors.  

Go for two tax cuts. Republicans might use reconciliation to enact the tax changes that lack Democratic support, after which policymakers could come together to pass a bipartisan bill with popular provisions like the Child Tax Credit.

No matter what path Republicans take, it will be a consequential year for tax policy. Buckle up.

 

Tuesday, November 26, 2024

The Fundamental Problem with R.F.K., Jr.,’s Nomination to H.H.S. by Dhruv Khullar

 Kennedy has many bad ideas. Yet the irony of our political moment is that his more reasonable positions are the ones that could sink his candidacy.

 

In 2018, two children in Samoa died after receiving measles vaccines, because the nurses who administered them had mistakenly mixed the vaccine powder with a muscle relaxant. Local vaccine skeptics seized on the tragedy, and the government temporarily suspended its immunization program. Children’s Health Defense, an organization chaired by Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., posted about the events on Facebook, where the group was one of the largest purchasers of anti-vaccine advertisements. The Samoan government reinstated the program, following an investigation. But immunization rates remained perilously low, with less than a third of infants getting vaccinated, and, a few months later, the country experienced a devastating measles outbreak. Nearly six thousand people were infected, and more than seventy children died. Kennedy, who had meanwhile visited the island, sent the Prime Minister a letter raising the “regrettable possibility that these children are casualties” of vaccination—not of a lack of it. He later called the outbreak “mild,” and branded a Samoan vaccine opponent a “medical freedom hero.”

President-elect Donald Trump has now nominated Kennedy to lead the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. If confirmed, he will oversee thirteen operating divisions, including the National Institutes of Health, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Food and Drug Administration, and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. His reach would extend into virtually every corner of the nation’s health-care infrastructure, from messaging on public health and investment in biomedical research to the approval of new drugs and the delivery of medical care. Trump, who in April called Kennedy a “Radical Left Lunatic,” recently encouraged him to “go wild” on health, medicines, and “the food.” Kennedy seems poised to oblige.

 In the past few months, Kennedy has indicated that he intends to reëxamine safety data for approved vaccines, advise municipalities not to add fluoride to their water supply, halt infectious-disease research at the N.I.H. and fire six hundred of its employees, and reverse the F.D.A.’s “aggressive suppression” of, among other things, discredited COVID remedies such as ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine. Earlier this year, Kennedy said that he would seek to prosecute medical journals if they didn’t “start publishing real science.” (The Lancet, one of the alleged offenders, recently published a study showing that vaccines have saved more than a hundred and fifty million lives in the past half century, or about six lives a minute.) Amid the rising threat of bird flu—this month, a teen-ager in Canada was infected and hospitalized in critical condition—Kennedy has suggested that we should relax restrictions on the sale of raw milk, which, because it is unpasteurized, can potentially spread the virus.

 

In another era, the sheer volume of Kennedy’s bizarre and misleading statements might have disqualified him from running the local wellness spa, let alone the world’s largest health apparatus. The pro-Trump editorial board of the New York Post, which met with Kennedy last year, wrote that his views amounted to a “head-scratching spaghetti of . . . warped conspiracy theories,” and concluded that “he’s nuts on a lot of fronts.” Kennedy has insinuated that H.I.V. isn’t the cause of AIDS, that Wi-Fi induces “leaky brain,” that chemicals in the water are responsible for “sexual dysphoria,” and that Anthony Fauci and Bill Gates led a cartel to prolong the covid pandemic and “amplify its mortal effects in order to promote their mischievous inoculations.”

The trouble—and the opportunity—with Kennedy is that, although he has many bad ideas, not all his ideas are bad. He appears deeply concerned about the staggering rates of chronic disease in this country, and correctly condemns the long-standing failure to meaningfully reform the American food system, which is characterized by a glut of ultra-processed products, owing partly to unhealthful agricultural subsidies. (The U.S. heavily subsidizes commodity crops, such as corn and soy, that often end up as sweeteners and additives.) Kennedy has also railed against gross conflicts of interest in health care and against the malign influence of corporations, especially pharmaceutical companies that aggressively market their products and use dubious tactics to extend patent protections and keep drug prices high. Politics is about principles, but it is also about priorities—if Kennedy chooses to elevate these issues during his tenure, he is likely to find common cause with many physicians and public-health officials.

 

And yet the irony of our political moment is that Kennedy’s more reasonable positions are the ones that could sink his candidacy. Politicians in both parties receive enormous sums of money from the food, agriculture, and pharmaceutical industries. Kennedy has promised to free regulatory agencies from “the smothering cloud of corporate capture,” which is sure to hit a sour note with corporations that deploy legions of lobbyists to shape regulations. Meanwhile, his support for reproductive rights—he has argued that abortion should be legal until a fetus is “viable outside the womb,” and that bureaucrats and judges aren’t “better equipped than the baby’s own mother to decide” when to terminate a pregnancy—has rankled some conservative activists, which may further complicate his confirmation in a Republican-led Senate. Still, blocking Trump appointments on any ground would require an uncommon level of daring from G.O.P. lawmakers, who have mostly been unwilling to defy even the most brazen whims of the President-elect.

The fundamental problem with Kennedy—the deficiency that unites his strange and sundry views—is that he doesn’t subscribe to what the writer Jonathan Rauch has called the “reality-based community.” Membership isn’t a matter of being right on every issue, but it does require adhering to practices that reliably, if imperfectly, bring us closer to the truth: subjecting one’s claims to scrutiny, critically appraising available data, correcting errors when the weight of evidence contradicts prior stances—the norms that animate the scientific method. With Kennedy, it isn’t clear how he arrives at his views, or what it would take to change them. For years, he has propagated half-truths and outright falsehoods in an environment of mistrust that he helped to create, and he will now be abetted by a cadre of MAGA influencers who share his passions and proclivities. When it comes to reducing human suffering, the scientific method may be the most important idea in history. We could soon be forced to test whether scientific institutions can function with a leader who rejects it. ♦

Monday, November 25, 2024

Americans agree politics is broken − here are 5 ideas for fixing key problems by Ismar Volić

 

Now that the elections are over, you might be left feeling exhausted, despondent and disillusioned – whether your preferred candidate won or not. You are not alone.

Survey after survey has found that Americans agree that the political system is not serving them.

Americans say they are angry at the political dysfunction, disgusted with the divisive rhetoric, weary from the lack of options, and feel unheard and unrepresented. I am a mathematician who studies quantitative aspects of democracy, and in my view, the reason for this widespread dissatisfaction is evident: The mechanisms of American democracy are broken at a fundamental level.

Research shows that there are clear mathematical fixes for these malfunctions that would implement sound democratic practices supported by evidence. They won’t solve every ailment of American democracy: For example, Altering Supreme Court rulings or expanding voting access are more political or administrative than they are based in math. Nevertheless, each of these changes – especially in combination with one another – could make American democracy more responsive to its citizens.

 

Problem: Plurality voting

Plurality voting, or the winner-take-all method, is how all but a handful of the nation’s 520,000 elected officials are chosen. It is also mathematically the worst, because it can give victory to a candidate who does not have majority support. This method is rife with mathematical problems, such as vote-splitting and the spoiler effect, which both deliver victory to less popular candidates.

Solution: Ranked-choice voting

Ranked-choice voting allows voters to put their preferences in order, rather than just registering their top selection.

This system, used in Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere around the world, as well is in over 50 jurisdictions in the U.S., including Alaska, New York City and Minneapolis, elects a candidate that has broad support. Because voters are not worried about wasting their votes, this method allows people to show support for third-party candidates even if they don’t win. This method also punishes negative campaigning because candidates can win even if they are some voters’ second or third choices, not just their first choice.

 

Problem: Electoral College

The Electoral College is a unique and uniquely archaic mechanism that no other country in the world wants anything to do with. Its legacy of slavery and the Constitution’s framers’ skepticism about the populace being smart enough to make good decisions for themselves is only exacerbated by its many mathematical problems, which give some states’ voters more power than others when electing a president.

Solution: Popular vote

The evidence shows that switching to a popular vote would eliminate those biases. But even if 63% of Americans support getting rid of the Electoral College, history shows that the constitutional amendment required is not likely to happen.

A way to avoid a need for a constitutional change could be the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, currently supported by 17 states, including California and Illinois, and Washington, D.C. It would require the electors from the states in the compact to vote for the winner of the national popular vote. But it does not take effect until enough states join that their combined electoral votes reach the winning threshold of 270. Right now, states with a total of 209 electoral votes back the measure.

Problem: Single-winner districts

Because of winner-take-all voting, congressional and state officeholders don’t necessarily reflect the district’s partisan makeup, giving disproportionate representation to one party.

Solution: Multi-winner districts

Most democracies around the world have geographically larger districts that elect multiple candidates at the same time. Multi-winner districts are designed to achieve proportional representation. Right now, all nine Massachusetts representatives in the U.S. House are Democrats, even though one-third of the state’s voters typically opt for Republican candidates. But if Massachusetts had three congressional districts instead of nine, and each elected three House members, one-third of the seats would go to Republicans, commensurate with the proportion of the state’s Republican voters. Multi-winner districts also effectively eliminate gerrymandering.

 

Problem: Party primaries

About 10% of eligible voters cast ballots in congressional primaries. Those voters often represent a fired-up base that can elevate fringe or extreme candidates who go on to run in general races that are often not competitive due to a confluence of factors such as plurality voting and single-winner districts.

The final figures are not yet available for 2024, but this one-tenth fraction of voters effectively decided 83% of congressional seats in 2020. Representatives mold their politics to pander to the demands of that base and can keep their jobs for decades with little effort.

Presidential primaries have their own mathematical flaws that distort the preferences of the voters and reward polarizing candidates who can turn out the base.

Solution: Open primaries, or none at all

A system of open, nonpartisan primaries is employed in California, Colorado and Nevada. Three or four top candidates advance to the general election, which is then conducted using ranked-choice voting. This structure increases voter participation and delivers more representative outcomes.

A simpler solution could be to eliminate primary elections and hold a single, open general election with ranked-choice voting.

 

Problem: Size of the House of Representatives

The very first amendment the framers of the Constitution proposed was one that would have required the size of the House of Representatives to grow as the nation’s population increased. For close contact between officeholders and constituents, they liked a ratio of 30,000 to 50,000 people per House member. Their amendment was never ratified.

The ratio today is 760,000 people per representative. The size of the House is set by law and has been fixed at 435 members since 1913. It is hard to imagine that a representative can speak knowledgeably about so many constituents or understand their collective needs and preferences.

Solution: Make it bigger

To reduce the ratio, the House would need to be bigger. With a national population over 337 million, James Madison’s preference would require more than 6,700 House members. That’s unwieldy. Most democracies either intentionally follow or seem to have naturally settled on a different formula, in which the size of the legislature is about equal to the cube root of the country’s population.

For the U.S., that number is currently nearly 700, which would put the population-to-representative ratio at 475,000-to-1. This would still upset Madison, but it’s considerably more representative than the current state of affairs.

Could the Capitol handle such an expansion? Architectural studies show that won’t be a problem.

Thursday, November 21, 2024

America's first major immigration crackdown and the making and breaking of the West by Greg Rosalsky, photographed for NPR, 2 August 2022, in New York, NY. Photo by Mamadi Doumbouya for NPR. Greg Rosalsky

 

The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 is widely considered to be the first major immigration clampdown in American history. It's a riveting tale that parallels today and may provide insights into the economic consequences of immigration restrictions and mass deportations. This is Part 1 of that story, which explains how Chinese immigrants became a crucial workforce in the American West and why, despite their sacrifices and contributions creating the transcontinental railroad, the railroad's completion may have actually contributed to a populist backlash that sealed their fates.

Donner Memorial State Park in Truckee, California, is a place where natural beauty clashes with historic horror like maybe nowhere else on Earth. The park has a stunning alpine lake and inspiring views of the craggy, granite peaks of the Sierra Nevada. It's an awesome place to swim, boat, windsurf, hike, snowshoe, ski, picnic — you name it. It also just so happens to be the gruesome site where, in the winter of 1846-47, a snowbound Donner Party resorted to the most infamous incident of cannibalism in American history.

 The first time my wife and I visited Donner Memorial State Park together, we expected that the reminders of cannibalism would be the most disturbing part of an otherwise pleasant stroll around Donner Lake. We were wrong.

 Walking about halfway around the lake, we reached a beach area called China Cove. We peered across emerald waters for a beautiful view of granite-crowned Donner Peak. China Cove seemed like an odd name for this area. But then, on our walk out, my wife spotted a placard pointing to why.

 

In the mountains just above the lake, there's a series of now-abandoned tunnels that, for well over a century, enabled the transcontinental railroad to cross the imposing Sierra Nevada. It was by far one of the most — if not the most — difficult stretches of the railroad to build. The mountains here are steep and made of solid granite. And, after Americans began to dream of a railroad that could link the Atlantic with the Pacific, surveyors determined that the train tracks would have to go literally right through them.

The Pacific Railway Act, which was signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln in 1862, funded the creation of the transcontinental railroad. The federal government awarded contracts to two railroad companies. One, Union Pacific Railroad, would build from the east and the other, Central Pacific Railroad, would build from the west. Each company was paid in federal subsidies and land grants based on the miles of track they laid. This incentivized building track as quickly as possible because, as the companies built toward each other, one company's loss of a mile was the other's gain. The race was on.

 

The Central Pacific Railroad had a much harder job. It had to build a railroad through the Sierra Nevada, with its sheer cliffs, hard granite, and monster snowstorms. And the company had to recruit workers on the still relatively unpopulated West Coast.

Central Pacific Railroad first tried to recruit white workers to do the job. But many Americans were fighting in the Civil War and those Westerners who weren't fighting apparently believed they had better economic options, including trying to strike it rich in Nevada's booming silver mines. The work of building a railroad was brutal and turnover was high. The company found itself in a frantic search for a large and cheap labor force to help do the work in record time.

Meanwhile, a small population of people had begun to arrive in the American West from the Far East, specifically the war-torn Guangdong province in Southern China. These thousands of Chinese immigrants were first attracted to Northern California for the same reasons that many white Americans and Europeans were: the lore of riches in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada after the discovery of gold in 1848 sent shockwaves around the world.

Pariah Immigrants

Almost as soon as the Chinese came to America, they were targeted with discrimination, hostility, and violence. First, it was at the local and state levels. Beginning as early as 1849, California mining counties began passing laws that sought to restrict the rights of the Chinese to mine. In 1850 and 1852, the California State Legislature passed laws taxing foreign miners (any foreigner who was considered a "free white person" was exempt). These were only some of the first shots in a barrage of discriminatory laws and community actions that would make life harder for Chinese immigrants.

So, in the 1860s, Charlie Crocker, one of the executives and founders of Central Pacific Railroad, caused some controversy when he floated the idea of hiring Chinese workers to help build the railroad. Despite being recent migrants themselves — California had only recently become part of the United States after a war with Mexico — many white workers were unhappy seeing other foreigners getting jobs and seizing opportunities. Racist notions about Chinese people infected American perceptions of their value as community members and human beings. They also infected business executives' views of their capabilities as workers.

 At one point, for example, a railroad executive questioned whether the Chinese had the strength and skills to do masonry. Crocker reportedly replied, "Did they not build the Chinese Wall, the biggest piece of masonry in the world?" (Today, up near Donner Summit above the lake, there's a 150-foot tall retaining wall still standing that Chinese workers built for the transcontinental railroad. Locals have named it "the China Wall.")

 

Central Pacific Railroad ended up deciding to hire Chinese workers, and the company turned to a Chinese labor contractor named Hung Wah to help with recruitment. Wah was based in Auburn, California, a mining town that sits in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada, along the planned railroad route. In 1863, Wah advertised in an Auburn newspaper that he could "furnish any number of Chinese laborers to work on Rail Roads, Wagon Roads, or Mining Claims" and could do so "at the lowest cash rates." This ad apparently caught the attention of railroad executives.

Between 1865 and 1869, the Central Pacific Railroad would employ about 20,000 Chinese immigrants in total — as much as 90% of their workforce at the peak of construction — to build the western section of the transcontinental railroad. Although these workers would prove themselves to be incredibly talented, brave, and productive, the company didn't treat them well. It paid them less than their white counterparts. It forced them to sleep in tents while white workers got to sleep in warmer box cars. And it enlisted them to do the most dangerous jobs.

 The Summit Tunnel

The section of the railroad that towers above Donner Lake, through Donner Pass, was especially difficult and perilous to build. One tunnel in particular, the Summit Tunnel, required workers to dig by hand, using primitive tools and explosives, through nearly 1,700 feet of solid granite.

 Roland Hsu is the former research director of Stanford University's Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, which tapped dozens of scholars from multiple disciplines to analyze and document the contributions of Chinese immigrants to the creation of the transcontinental railroad.

 

Hsu says that, when constructing the tunnels, four Chinese workers would ram a long iron bar into the granite. Another would hit the bar with a sledgehammer. Next they would twist and hammer the bar again, arduously boring a hole into the rock. Once the hole was deep enough, they would pack it with explosives, light them, and run for their lives. "That would break a layer of granite, and then they'd come back and — by hand — carry out all the debris."

Inch by inch, it would take workers over two painstaking years to bore Summit Tunnel through Donner Peak — and Central Pacific Railroad, racing to complete the project, insisted they work around the clock and through the winters. These would be some of the snowiest winters on record.

It was hard work. And, while the poor treatment they experienced might have led other workers to quit, the Chinese immigrants had fewer options than other workers. That said, they still refused to be mere cogs in their railroad company's machine. In June 1867, in what proved to be the biggest organized labor strike in the nation, Chinese workers stopped working on the railroad in a fight for better pay, reduced hours (from 11 to 10 hours a day), and better working conditions.

 

Fearing that if he gave them an inch they'd take a mile, Crocker declared he would not meet their demands. And, after about a week of labor strife, Crocker turned to intimidation efforts, including cutting off the supply of food and other provisions to the camps of Chinese workers. The company ultimately coerced the laborers to return to work. Despite the mostly unsuccessful strike, historians note that the company did end up increasing their pay in coming months.

Countless Chinese workers died constructing Summit and other tunnels in the mountains above Donner Lake. They died in explosions. They died falling. They died freezing to death in the elements at altitude during brutal snowstorms and subzero cold spells. They died in avalanches of rock and snow.

 

"And one thing we do know is that those who died in the avalanches, their bodies were left at the base towards what's now Donner Lake until the spring," Hsu says. "Because the company was not gonna go in and try to dig them out or even see if they were worth rescuing."

We lack solid estimates for the exact number of Chinese laborers who died building the transcontinental railroad, but, Hsu says, evidence suggests it was as high as 1,200. For perspective, 42 people died in the Donner Party, which now has a lake, a mountain, a pass, a state park, and more named in their memory.

The Irony And Tragedy Of Completing The Transcontinental Railroad

The transcontinental railroad was completed in 1869. It was a marvel of modern engineering and technological innovation, slashing the time it took to cross the United States from many months to a mere week. It literally united the nation. Not only did the railroad reduce the time and cost of making the journey, it also helped ensure that there would be no more tragedies like the Donner Party.

There's no doubt that the railroad would ultimately be a gigantic engine that powered economic growth in the West. But, as with many other new technological waves in history, excitement about locomotives was accompanied by a speculative mania. And, when the spell was broken and the economy came crashing down, life would get much worse for Chinese immigrants.

Railroad investors believed that the sky was the limit with the transcontinental and other railroads. They took on massive amounts of debt, buying railroad bonds and gobbling up real estate they believed would increase in value near train stops. This debt proved to be a ticking time bomb.

What followed was a financial crisis known as "The Panic of 1873," which led to what some historians call "the first Great Depression," or "the Long Depression." Nationally, the unemployment rate skyrocketed to 14 percent. The economy remained bad for many years.

 

Nancy Qian, an economist at the Northwestern University Kellogg School of Management, says this harsh recession was worse in the West — and one reason, ironically, was the transcontinental railroad.

"One of the ironies of integrating the East and West of the United States with the transcontinental railroad is that the West had to now compete with the East," Qian says. "The East was more developed than the West. This made it very difficult for manufacturing and agriculture in the West."

Like so many other times in history, economic turmoil led to scapegoating, populist foment, and racial violence. With many white people now looking for gainful employment, Qian says that Western voters and populist politicians began to blame Chinese immigrants for taking jobs. They began to gravitate to the idea that, "If we kick out the Chinese, then the rest of us will have more jobs, more opportunities."

Ground zero for this movement to kick the Chinese out of America would be none other than the home to what is now Donner Memorial State Park: Truckee, California. Many of the Chinese immigrants who built the railroad moved there after its completion. In fact, they helped make Truckee's "Chinatown" one of the largest in the nation. But soon that would dramatically change.

 

Tuesday, November 19, 2024

The Dark Secret at the Heart of AI by Will Knight

 

No one really knows how the most advanced algorithms do what they do. That could be a problem.

 

In 2016, a strange self-driving car was released onto the quiet roads of Monmouth County, New Jersey. The experimental vehicle, developed by researchers at the chip maker Nvidia, didn’t look different from other autonomous cars, but it was unlike anything demonstrated by Google, Tesla, or General Motors, and it showed the rising power of artificial intelligence. The car didn’t follow a single instruction provided by an engineer or programmer. Instead, it relied entirely on an algorithm that had taught itself to drive by watching a human do it.

Getting a car to drive this way was an impressive feat. But it’s also a bit unsettling, since it isn’t completely clear how the car makes its decisions. Information from the vehicle’s sensors goes straight into a huge network of artificial neurons that process the data and then deliver the commands required to operate the steering wheel, the brakes, and other systems. The result seems to match the responses you’d expect from a human driver. But what if one day it did something unexpected—crashed into a tree, or sat at a green light? As things stand now, it might be difficult to find out why. The system is so complicated that even the engineers who designed it may struggle to isolate the reason for any single action. And you can’t ask it: there is no obvious way to design such a system so that it could always explain why it did what it did.

 

The mysterious mind of this vehicle points to a looming issue with artificial intelligence. The car’s underlying AI technology, known as deep learning, has proved very powerful at solving problems in recent years, and it has been widely deployed for tasks like image captioning, voice recognition, and language translation. There is now hope that the same techniques will be able to diagnose deadly diseases, make million-dollar trading decisions, and do countless other things to transform whole industries.

But this won’t happen—or shouldn’t happen—unless we find ways of making techniques like deep learning more understandable to their creators and accountable to their users. Otherwise it will be hard to predict when failures might occur—and it’s inevitable they will. That’s one reason Nvidia’s car is still experimental.

Already, mathematical models are being used to help determine who makes parole, who’s approved for a loan, and who gets hired for a job. If you could get access to these mathematical models, it would be possible to understand their reasoning. But banks, the military, employers, and others are now turning their attention to more complex machine-learning approaches that could make automated decision-making altogether inscrutable. Deep learning, the most common of these approaches, represents a fundamentally different way to program computers. “It is a problem that is already relevant, and it’s going to be much more relevant in the future,” says Tommi Jaakkola, a professor at MIT who works on applications of machine learning. “Whether it’s an investment decision, a medical decision, or maybe a military decision, you don’t want to just rely on a ‘black box’ method.”

There’s already an argument that being able to interrogate an AI system about how it reached its conclusions is a fundamental legal right. Starting in the summer of 2018, the European Union may require that companies be able to give users an explanation for decisions that automated systems reach. This might be impossible, even for systems that seem relatively simple on the surface, such as the apps and websites that use deep learning to serve ads or recommend songs. The computers that run those services have programmed themselves, and they have done it in ways we cannot understand. Even the engineers who build these apps cannot fully explain their behavior.

This raises mind-boggling questions. As the technology advances, we might soon cross some threshold beyond which using AI requires a leap of faith. Sure, we humans can’t always truly explain our thought processes either—but we find ways to intuitively trust and gauge people. Will that also be possible with machines that think and make decisions differently from the way a human would? We’ve never before built machines that operate in ways their creators don’t understand. How well can we expect to communicate—and get along with—intelligent machines that could be unpredictable and inscrutable? These questions took me on a journey to the bleeding edge of research on AI algorithms, from Google to Apple and many places in between, including a meeting with one of the great philosophers of our time.  

 

In 2015, a research group at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York was inspired to apply deep learning to the hospital’s vast database of patient records. This data set features hundreds of variables on patients, drawn from their test results, doctor visits, and so on. The resulting program, which the researchers named Deep Patient, was trained using data from about 700,000 individuals, and when tested on new records, it proved incredibly good at predicting disease. Without any expert instruction, Deep Patient had discovered patterns hidden in the hospital data that seemed to indicate when people were on the way to a wide range of ailments, including cancer of the liver. There are a lot of methods that are “pretty good” at predicting disease from a patient’s records, says Joel Dudley, who leads the Mount Sinai team. But, he adds, “this was just way better.”

At the same time, Deep Patient is a bit puzzling. It appears to anticipate the onset of psychiatric disorders like schizophrenia surprisingly well. But since schizophrenia is notoriously difficult for physicians to predict, Dudley wondered how this was possible. He still doesn’t know. The new tool offers no clue as to how it does this. If something like Deep Patient is actually going to help doctors, it will ideally give them the rationale for its prediction, to reassure them that it is accurate and to justify, say, a change in the drugs someone is being prescribed. “We can build these models,” Dudley says ruefully, “but we don’t know how they work.”

Artificial intelligence hasn’t always been this way. From the outset, there were two schools of thought regarding how understandable, or explainable, AI ought to be. Many thought it made the most sense to build machines that reasoned according to rules and logic, making their inner workings transparent to anyone who cared to examine some code. Others felt that intelligence would more easily emerge if machines took inspiration from biology, and learned by observing and experiencing. This meant turning computer programming on its head. Instead of a programmer writing the commands to solve a problem, the program generates its own algorithm based on example data and a desired output. The machine-learning techniques that would later evolve into today’s most powerful AI systems followed the latter path: the machine essentially programs itself. 

 

At first this approach was of limited practical use, and in the 1960s and ’70s it remained largely confined to the fringes of the field. Then the computerization of many industries and the emergence of large data sets renewed interest. That inspired the development of more powerful machine-learning techniques, especially new versions of one known as the artificial neural network. By the 1990s, neural networks could automatically digitize handwritten characters.

But it was not until the start of this decade, after several clever tweaks and refinements, that very large—or “deep”—neural networks demonstrated dramatic improvements in automated perception. Deep learning is responsible for today’s explosion of AI. It has given computers extraordinary powers, like the ability to recognize spoken words almost as well as a person could, a skill too complex to code into the machine by hand. Deep learning has transformed computer vision and dramatically improved machine translation. It is now being used to guide all sorts of key decisions in medicine, finance, manufacturing—and beyond. 

 

The workings of any machine-learning technology are inherently more opaque, even to computer scientists, than a hand-coded system. This is not to say that all future AI techniques will be equally unknowable. But by its nature, deep learning is a particularly dark black box.

You can’t just look inside a deep neural network to see how it works. A network’s reasoning is embedded in the behavior of thousands of simulated neurons, arranged into dozens or even hundreds of intricately interconnected layers. The neurons in the first layer each receive an input, like the intensity of a pixel in an image, and then perform a calculation before outputting a new signal. These outputs are fed, in a complex web, to the neurons in the next layer, and so on, until an overall output is produced. Plus, there is a process known as back-propagation that tweaks the calculations of individual neurons in a way that lets the network learn to produce a desired output.

The many layers in a deep network enable it to recognize things at different levels of abstraction. In a system designed to recognize dogs, for instance, the lower layers recognize simple things like outlines or color; higher layers recognize more complex stuff like fur or eyes; and the topmost layer identifies it all as a dog. The same approach can be applied, roughly speaking, to other inputs that lead a machine to teach itself: the sounds that make up words in speech, the letters and words that create sentences in text, or the steering-wheel movements required for driving.

“It might be part of the nature of intelligence that only part of it is exposed to rational explanation. Some of it is just instinctual.”

Ingenious strategies have been used to try to capture and thus explain in more detail what’s happening in such systems. In 2015, researchers at Google modified a deep-learning-based image recognition algorithm so that instead of spotting objects in photos, it would generate or modify them. By effectively running the algorithm in reverse, they could discover the features the program uses to recognize, say, a bird or building. The resulting images, produced by a project known as Deep Dream, showed grotesque, alien-like animals emerging from clouds and plants, and hallucinatory pagodas blooming across forests and mountain ranges. The images proved that deep learning need not be entirely inscrutable; they revealed that the algorithms home in on familiar visual features like a bird’s beak or feathers. But the images also hinted at how different deep learning is from human perception, in that it might make something out of an artifact that we would know to ignore. Google researchers noted that when its algorithm generated images of a dumbbell, it also generated a human arm holding it. The machine had concluded that an arm was part of the thing.

Further progress has been made using ideas borrowed from neuroscience and cognitive science. A team led by Jeff Clune, an assistant professor at the University of Wyoming, has employed the AI equivalent of optical illusions to test deep neural networks. In 2015, Clune’s group showed how certain images could fool such a network into perceiving things that aren’t there, because the images exploit the low-level patterns the system searches for. One of Clune’s collaborators, Jason Yosinski, also built a tool that acts like a probe stuck into a brain. His tool targets any neuron in the middle of the network and searches for the image that activates it the most. The images that turn up are abstract (imagine an impressionistic take on a flamingo or a school bus), highlighting the mysterious nature of the machine’s perceptual abilities. 

 

We need more than a glimpse of AI’s thinking, however, and there is no easy solution. It is the interplay of calculations inside a deep neural network that is crucial to higher-level pattern recognition and complex decision-making, but those calculations are a quagmire of mathematical functions and variables. “If you had a very small neural network, you might be able to understand it,” Jaakkola says. “But once it becomes very large, and it has thousands of units per layer and maybe hundreds of layers, then it becomes quite un-understandable.”

In the office next to Jaakkola is Regina Barzilay, an MIT professor who is determined to apply machine learning to medicine. She was diagnosed with breast cancer a couple of years ago, at age 43. The diagnosis was shocking in itself, but Barzilay was also dismayed that cutting-edge statistical and machine-learning methods were not being used to help with oncological research or to guide patient treatment. She says AI has huge potential to revolutionize medicine, but realizing that potential will mean going beyond just medical records. She envisions using more of the raw data that she says is currently underutilized: “imaging data, pathology data, all this information.”

How well can we get along with machines that are unpredictable and inscrutable?

After she finished cancer treatment in 2016, Barzilay and her students began working with doctors at Massachusetts General Hospital to develop a system capable of mining pathology reports to identify patients with specific clinical characteristics that researchers might want to study. However, Barzilay understood that the system would need to explain its reasoning. So, together with Jaakkola and a student, she added a step: the system extracts and highlights snippets of text that are representative of a pattern it has discovered. Barzilay and her students are also developing a deep-learning algorithm capable of finding early signs of breast cancer in mammogram images, and they aim to give this system some ability to explain its reasoning, too. “You really need to have a loop where the machine and the human collaborate,” -Barzilay says.

The U.S. military is pouring billions into projects that will use machine learning to pilot vehicles and aircraft, identify targets, and help analysts sift through huge piles of intelligence data. Here more than anywhere else, even more than in medicine, there is little room for algorithmic mystery, and the Department of Defense has identified explainability as a key stumbling block.

David Gunning, a program manager at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, is overseeing the aptly named Explainable Artificial Intelligence program. A silver-haired veteran of the agency who previously oversaw the DARPA project that eventually led to the creation of Siri, Gunning says automation is creeping into countless areas of the military. Intelligence analysts are testing machine learning as a way of identifying patterns in vast amounts of surveillance data. Many autonomous ground vehicles and aircraft are being developed and tested. But soldiers probably won’t feel comfortable in a robotic tank that doesn’t explain itself to them, and analysts will be reluctant to act on information without some reasoning. “It’s often the nature of these machine-learning systems that they produce a lot of false alarms, so an intel analyst really needs extra help to understand why a recommendation was made,” Gunning says.

 In March 2017, DARPA chose 13 projects from academia and industry for funding under Gunning’s program. Some of them could build on work led by Carlos Guestrin, a professor at the University of Washington. He and his colleagues have developed a way for machine-learning systems to provide a rationale for their outputs. Essentially, under this method a computer automatically finds a few examples from a data set and serves them up in a short explanation. A system designed to classify an e-mail message as coming from a terrorist, for example, might use many millions of messages in its training and decision-making. But using the Washington team’s approach, it could highlight certain keywords found in a message. Guestrin’s group has also devised ways for image recognition systems to hint at their reasoning by highlighting the parts of an image that were most significant.

One drawback to this approach and others like it, such as Barzilay’s, is that the explanations provided will always be simplified, meaning some vital information may be lost along the way. “We haven’t achieved the whole dream, which is where AI has a conversation with you, and it is able to explain,” says Guestrin. “We’re a long way from having truly interpretable AI.”

It doesn’t have to be a high-stakes situation like cancer diagnosis or military maneuvers for this to become an issue. Knowing AI’s reasoning is also going to be crucial if the technology is to become a common and useful part of our daily lives. Tom Gruber, who leads the Siri team at Apple, says explainability is a key consideration for his team as it tries to make Siri a smarter and more capable virtual assistant. Gruber wouldn’t discuss specific plans for Siri’s future, but it’s easy to imagine that if you receive a restaurant recommendation from Siri, you’ll want to know what the reasoning was. Ruslan Salakhutdinov, director of AI research at Apple and an associate professor at Carnegie Mellon University, sees explainability as the core of the evolving relationship between humans and intelligent machines. “It’s going to introduce trust,” he says.

Just as many aspects of human behavior are impossible to explain in detail, perhaps it won’t be possible for AI to explain everything it does. “Even if somebody can give you a reasonable-sounding explanation [for his or her actions], it probably is incomplete, and the same could very well be true for AI,” says Clune, of the University of Wyoming. “It might just be part of the nature of intelligence that only part of it is exposed to rational explanation. Some of it is just instinctual, or subconscious, or inscrutable.”

If that’s so, then at some stage we may have to simply trust AI’s judgment or do without using it. Likewise, that judgment will have to incorporate social intelligence. Just as society is built upon a contract of expected behavior, we will need to design AI systems to respect and fit with our social norms. If we are to create robot tanks and other killing machines, it is important that their decision-making be consistent with our ethical judgments.

To probe these metaphysical concepts, I went to Tufts University to meet with Daniel Dennett, a renowned philosopher and cognitive scientist who studies consciousness and the mind. A chapter of Dennett’s 2017 book, From Bacteria to Bach and Back, an encyclopedic treatise on consciousness, suggests that a natural part of the evolution of intelligence itself is the creation of systems capable of performing tasks their creators do not know how to do. “The question is, what accommodations do we have to make to do this wisely—what standards do we demand of them, and of ourselves?” he tells me in his cluttered office on the university’s idyllic campus.

He also has a word of warning about the quest for explainability. “I think by all means if we’re going to use these things and rely on them, then let’s get as firm a grip on how and why they’re giving us the answers as possible,” he says. But since there may be no perfect answer, we should be as cautious of AI explanations as we are of each other’s—no matter how clever a machine seems. “If it can’t do better than us at explaining what it’s doing,” he says, “then don’t trust it.”
 

Monday, November 18, 2024

Florida education officials report hundreds of books pulled from school libraries By KATE PAYNE

 

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (AP) — “The Bluest Eye” by Toni Morrison. “Forever” by Judi Blume. “Slaughterhouse-Five” by Kurt Vonnegut.

All have been pulled from the shelves of some Florida schools, according to the latest list compiled by the Florida Department of Education tallying books removed by local school districts.

Recent changes to state law have empowered parents and residents to challenge school library books and required districts to submit an annual report to the state detailing which books have been restricted in their schools. Florida continues to lead the country in pulling books from school libraries, according to analyses by the American Library Association and the advocacy group PEN America.

“A restriction of access is a restriction on one’s freedom to read,” said Kasey Meehan of PEN America. “Students lose the ability to access books that mirror their own lived experiences, to access books that help them learn and empathize with people who … have different life experiences.”

 The list released for the 2023-2024 school year includes titles by American literary icons like Maya Angelou, Flannery O’Connor and Richard Wright, as well as books that have become top targets for censorship across the country because they feature LGBTQ+ characters, discussions of gender and sexuality, and descriptions of sexual encounters, such as “All Boys Aren’t Blue” by George Johnson and “Gender Queer” by Maia Kobabe. Conservative advocates have labeled such content “pornographic.”

 

Also on the list of books removed from libraries are accounts of the Holocaust, such as “Anne Frank’s Diary: The Graphic Adaptation” and “Sophie’s Choice.” So is a graphic novel adaptation of “1984,” George Orwell’s seminal work on censorship and surveillance.

“Everywhere from Toni Morrison, Alice Walker, ‘Slaughterhouse-Five’, George Orwell,” said Stephana Farrell, a co-founder of the Florida Freedom to Read Project, which tracks book challenges in the state. “If you take the time to look at that list, you will recognize that there is an issue with … this movement.”

 

In a statement to The Associated Press, a spokesperson for the Florida Department of Education maintained there are no books being banned in Florida and defended the state’s push to remove “sexually explicit materials” from schools.

“Once again, far left activists are pushing the book ban hoax on Floridians. The better question is why do these activists continue to fight to expose children to sexually explicit materials,” spokesperson Sydney Booker said.

The list shows that book removals vary widely across the state, with some districts not reporting any restrictions and others tallying hundreds of titles pulled from the shelves. Farrell of the Florida Freedom to Read Project said that based on the group’s analysis of public records, the department’s report is an undercount because it doesn’t include books removed following an internal staff review, just those pulled following a complaint from a parent or resident.

Farrell believes most Florida parents want their kids to have broad access to literature.

 

“We live in a state where parental rights are supposed to be acknowledged, heard and responded to,” Farrell said. “We are asking for accountability and an accurate record of how these laws are impacting our children and impacting what’s available to them.”

Schools have restricted access to dozens of books by Stephen King, a master of the horror genre known for bestsellers like “It” and “Pet Sematary.” Officials in Clay County also decided that his book “On Writing: A Memoir of the Craft” was inappropriate for students.

King, who spends part of the year in Florida, has spoken out about efforts to get his books out of students’ hands, urging readers to run to their closest library or bookstore.

“What the f---?” King posted on social media in August, reacting to the decision by some Florida schools to pull his books from their shelves.

Multiple school districts in Florida have drawn legal challenges for restricting students’ access to books, including Escambia County, which is being sued by PEN America and Penguin Random House, the country’s largest publisher.

 In September, the Nassau County school district settled a lawsuit brought by the authors of “And Tango Makes Three,” a picture book based on the true story of two male penguins who raised a chick together at New York’s Central Park Zoo. Under the terms of the settlement, the district had to return three dozen books to the shelves.

Sunday, November 17, 2024

Gophers needed 1 day after Mount St. Helens erupted to bring explosions of new life by Bill Chappell

 

The gophers were grumpy, but they understood the assignment. Brought by helicopter to a barren landscape with pumice stones the size of marbles and golf balls, the animals did what they've always done: They started digging.

Just two years earlier, a cataclysm erased life in the landscape. The explosive eruption of Mount St. Helens in 1980 blew out the mountain's northern flank and destroyed some 135 square miles of forest.

 "The blast zone covered the mountainside with very thick ash. I mean, ash that's so thick that it could bury a car," researcher Mia Maltz, lead author of a new study about the gopher project, tells NPR.

The eruption in southwest Washington state left fertile soil far below an inhospitable surface. Scientists wanted to know what would happen if pocket gophers, known as "ecosystem engineers" for their outsize effects on habitats, were given a chance to work in fenced-off plots of land.

 The gophers were grumpy about being taken from Butte Camp, their home on the southern side of the volcano, to the northern area known as the Pumice Plain. Sharing a photo of one, Maltz says, "She/he was not happy about being stuck there, or being recaptured for transport back home."

 

The gophers stayed for only about 24 hours before being whisked away. But their visit altered a landscape where, after the eruption, the pumice "contained no measurable carbon (C) or nitrogen (N)," according to the study.

When scientists returned to the fenced plots six years later, they were stunned to find some 40,000 plants there, while nearby patches of land remained desolate. In the decades since, the effects have kept compounding.

"Who would have predicted you could toss a gopher in for a day and see a residual effect 40 years later?" microbiologist Michael Allen of the University of California, Riverside, another study author, said in a news release about the researchers' return to the volcan

 So, why did it happen? Part of the credit goes to the gopher's diligent digging, which cycled fertile materials back toward the surface. But they also left things behind — from their droppings to spores and fungi.

 

"The gopher is the big star because they brought these mini ecosystems along with them," says Maltz, a mycologist and assistant professor at the University of Connecticut. "And the fungus is a big part of that mini ecosystem."

The gophers brought a sampling of life-supporting material from their home forests, including soil spores and seeds held in their digestive tract, in their claws and on their fur. Crucially, they also brought beneficial fungus.

"Mycorrhizal fungi are plant supporters," Maltz says. "They grow with plant roots and support plants in getting established in inhospitable environments." 

In exchange for providing nutrients and resources, she says, the fungi get sugars that plants generate via photosynthesis. They also help protect plants from pathogens and stress.

The gophers' actions seemed small, even to the scientists who were studying them. After all, each one weighed just a handful of ounces. But the lasting impact of their visit holds lessons about helping habitats recover after a disaster, Maltz says.

"We can mimic gophers by scarifying soils or digging with a gardening tool (hoe), and adding in local spores and soil from undisturbed ecosystems," she says.

When they revisited the area, researchers also found distinct differences in how forested areas have fared depending on whether they had been left as old-growth or underwent clear-cutting before the volcano erupted. Decades later, old-growth forest areas had more carbon and nitrogen and benefited from healthier fungal communities compared to clear-cut areas.

Trees that lost their needles to the eruption's dense ash coating also got a boost from mycorrhizal fungi, which ferried nutrients that helped the trees regrow.

"The trees came back almost immediately in some places," environmental microbiologist Emma Aronson said in the UC Riverside news release. "It didn't all die like everyone thought."

Masked group marches through Ohio neighborhood with swastika flags by IVAN PEREIRA

 

The governor of Ohio and city officials in Columbus are speaking out after a group of masked individuals marched through the streets of the Ohio capital city Saturday dressed in black and holding flags with swastikas on them.

The unidentified people were spotted around 1 p.m. walking through the Short North neighborhood, according to Columbus ABC affiliate WSYX. Images and videos of the marchers went viral on social media sites.

The Columbus Police were dispatched, and the investigation is ongoing.

 "We will not tolerate hate in Ohio," Ohio Republican Gov. Mike DeWine said in a statement on the social media platform X on Saturday evening. "Neo-Nazis -- their faces hidden behind red masks -- roamed streets in Columbus today, carrying Nazi flags and spewing vile and racist speech against people of color and Jews. There were reports that they were also espousing white power sentiments."

He added, "There is no place in this State for hate, bigotry, antisemitism, or violence, and we must denounce it wherever we see it."

 — Governor Mike DeWine (@GovMikeDeWine) November 17, 2024

"The Columbus community stands squarely against hatred and bigotry. We will not allow any of our neighbors to be intimidated, threatened or harmed because of who they are, how they worship or whom they love," the City of Columbus said in a statement Saturday evening. "We embrace tolerance and acceptance, and derive great strength from our diversity. It is who we are as a people, and it is precisely what has enabled us to grow and thrive and reach new heights of excellence. Together, we reject the cowardly display reported in the Short North earlier today, and we will continue to monitor the situation in partnership with the Columbus Division of Police to ensure the safety and security of our city."

 Columbus City Attorney Zach Klein echoed those sentiments in a statement posted on X.

"To those involved in the neo-Nazi march in the Short North today, take your flags and the masks you hide behind and go home and never come back," he said. "Your hate isn’t welcome in our city."

 Last week, a group of masked demonstrators were seen waving Nazi flags outside a production of "The Diary of Anne Frank" in Howell, Michigan.

The protesters were asked to move and there were no arrests.

Wednesday, November 13, 2024

One election victory does not make a new era in American politics − here’s what history shows by Philip Klinkner

 

According to The New York Times, “… a newly triumphant Republican president” is “once again in the headlines.”

What will it take to break “the present national divide, between the narrow but solid Republican majority and a Democratic party seemingly trapped in second place,” asks the Times. That pattern “may be hardening” into one “that will persist for years to come.” Perhaps breaking the divide will require “an act of God,” the Times writes.

The article quotes a number of eminent historians and political scientists who predict a new era of enduring Republican electoral dominance. In the words of one: “The Republicans are basically unchecked … There is no check in the federal government and no check in the world. They have an unfettered playing field.”

This isn’t a recent take on the 2024 election. The quote comes from 2004, when George W. Bush won reelection by 2.4 percentage points, a slightly larger margin than Donald Trump had on Nov. 12, 2024, over Kamala Harris in the election results.

Of course, none of these predictions came to pass. The supposed enduring Republican majority evaporated as Hurricane Katrina, the ongoing war in Iraq and the financial crisis caused President Bush’s popularity to plummet. As a result, Democrats retook the House and the Senate in 2006, and Barack Obama won the presidency in 2008.

Despite the lessons of this history, a new round of doomsayers are ready to write the Democrats’ obituary in 2024. According to one journalist, “Democrats are a lost party. Come January, they’ll have scant power in the federal government, and shriveling clout in the courts and states.”

The Washington Post reports, “More broadly, many Democrats view their defeat – with Trump making inroads with Latinos, first-time voters, and lower- and middle-income households, according to preliminary exit polls – not just as a series of tactical campaign blunders, but as evidence of a shattered party with a brand in shambles.”

I believe – as the author of a book about how political parties respond to election defeats, and as the example of 2004 shows – it’s easy to overstate the enduring impact of an election. Unforeseen events arise that alter the political landscape in unpredictable ways. The party in power often makes mistakes. New candidates emerge to energize and inspire the defeated party.

Zigging and zagging

The parties themselves are often incapable of figuring out the best way forward.

Following Mitt Romney’s loss in the 2012 presidential election, the Republican National Committee commissioned what it called an “autopsy” to determine how the party should move forward. The report urged Republicans to become more inclusive to women, young people, Asians, Latinos and gay Americans by softening their tone on immigration and social issues. The report was a thoughtful and thorough examination of the problems confronting the GOP. 

 

Nonetheless, in 2016 Donald Trump took the party in exactly the opposite direction and ended up winning anyway.

I’d be the last person to try to predict the 2028 election, but there are a number of reasons to be skeptical of doom and gloom scenarios for the Democratic Party.

First, the 2024 election was extremely close. Once all the votes are counted, it will probably end up being the closest popular vote contest since 2000. In addition, it’s possible that Donald Trump will fall below 50% of the popular vote. Any loss is difficult, but this is hardly the 49-state drubbing that Democrats endured against Ronald Reagan in 1984.

In addition, the 2024 results fall pretty close to the outcome predicted by election models that were based on economic fundamentals. This suggests that voters were registering dissatisfaction with poor economic conditions rather than offering a wholesale rejection of the Democratic ideology.

And even if the public has become less enamored of liberal governance over the past four years, this is both natural and temporary. Political scientists have long observed the thermostatic nature of American politics. That’s a fancy way of saying that when a Republican occupies the White House, the public becomes more liberal. Conversely, under Democratic presidents, the American people become more conservative. Given this pattern, it seems very likely that in four years the public will be in a more liberal mood. 

 

Self-reflection is good

Democrats should also remember that Donald Trump has been a uniquely polarizing and unpopular figure in American politics.

Despite a generally strong economy during his first term in office, he was never able to rise above a 50% approval rating. Trump did himself no favors in this regard. As political scientists John Sides, Chris Tausanovitch and Lynn Vavreck point out in their book on the 2020 election, on issue after issue during his first term, Trump rejected policies that the majority of Americans supported and instead chose those that aligned only with his Republican base. There seems to be little reason to think that Trump will govern any differently in his next term.

Since Trump can’t run again in 2028, that also means that Democrats will likely face a better political environment in 2028. Since 1900, the out-party (the party that doesn’t control the White House) has won eight of the 11 elections without an incumbent president on the ballot. In fact, the last time the out-party failed to defeat a nonincumbent was nearly 40 years ago when Republican George H.W. Bush defeated Democrat Michael Dukakis in 1988.

None of this guarantees a Democratic victory in 2028. Most importantly, a strong economy might be enough to lift the GOP to victory in 2028.

Nor should the Democrats just assume that everything will be fine. Self-reflection is good for political parties as well as individuals.

Still, the lesson of history is that it’s a good idea for Democrats to resist the temptation to catastrophize their loss. Instead, they might consider using the Serenity Prayer as a guide for the next four years: “Give us the serenity to accept the things that can’t be changed, the courage to change the things that can be changed, and the wisdom to know the difference.”

Tuesday, November 12, 2024

Most US book bans target children’s literature featuring diverse characters and authors of color

k &

 

Book bans in U.S. schools and libraries during the 2021-22 school year disproportionately targeted children’s books written by people of color – especially women of color – according to a peer-reviewed study we published. They also tended to feature characters of color.

In addition, we found book bans were more common in right-leaning counties that were becoming less conservative over time.

These findings were based on a comprehensive review of a then-record 2,532 bans that took effect in 32 states during the 2021-22 school year and compiled by PEN America, a nonprofit that defends the freedom of expression. The bans involved 1,643 unique book titles. We combined this with data on counties, sales of restricted books and author demographics.

While much has been written about the rise in book bans, there has been little empirical work done on their content, causes and consequences.

 In our review, we found that 59% of banned books were children’s books featuring diverse characters or nonfiction books about historical figures and social movements. The top banned books were “Gender Queer: A Memoir,” by Maia Kobabe, which was banned by 41 school districts; “All Boys Aren’t Blue,” by George M. Johnson, with 29 bans; and “Out of Darkness,” by Ashley Hope Pérez, with 24 bans.

What’s more, authors of color – particularly women of color – were far more likely to be banned compared with white authors. Authors of color wrote 39% of the banned books in our study. Women of color alone penned almost a quarter of them. That’s even though authors of color make up just 10% of U.S. authors and write less than 5% of the most popular books in the U.S.

We also found that while most book bans occurred in counties with a Republican majority, they were even more likely to occur in counties where that majority had decreased over the previous two decades. Districts where the majority had increased or grown stronger since 2000 were less likely to ban books.

Why it matters

The number of book bans has only increased since the data from our study came out.

In the 2022-23 school year, PEN America reported 3,362 book bans, affecting 1,557 unique titles. And its latest data, released Nov. 1, 2024, shows that the number of book bans soared in the 2023-24 school year to more than 10,000, with Florida and Iowa accounting for over 8,000 of them.

 

While those pushing book bans often claim they are doing so to protect children, there is little evidence to suggest that book bans actually shield them from harmful content.

The costs can be high. They’re causing conflict and tension in the local communities where they are occurring, and some estimates put the monetary cost of implementing book bans in the millions of dollars for some states. But because the focus of these bans tends to be on titles featuring characters of color or LGBTQ+ themes, there’s a risk that diverse characters will become even more underrepresented in children’s literature.

 

This could negatively affect children’s sense of belonging and learning outcomes, even in schools not directly affected by these bans.

Book bans – often initiated by school boards, legislators and prison authorities – are one of the most symbolic forms of censorship, but our findings also suggest they are being used as a form of political activism. This means that in addition to the traditional questions around censorship, such as what information children have or don’t have access to, there are questions about the political actions behind book bans and how they might attract or dampen a community’s civic participation.

And given our finding about where these bans are most often occurring and that we found little impact on state and national levels of interest in the targeted books, as measured by Google searches and book sales, it seems that many of these bans amount to symbolic political gestures aimed at galvanizing a shrinking electoral base.

What still isn’t known

Research on book bans is just emerging. Our study is one of the first, in part because of a lack of data about the publishing industry overall. We encourage future work to bring data together about books – to facilitate this, we made much of the data we used public.

 

Kristallnacht’s legacy still haunts Hamburg − even as the city rebuilds a former synagogue burned in the Nazi pogrom

 By

 

Johanna Neumann was 8 when she witnessed a mob of local citizens and Nazis vandalizing the Bornplatz Synagogue in Hamburg. They were “shouting and throwing stones at the marvelous glass windows,” as she later said in an oral history interview. Other students at the Jewish school nearby described a mountain of prayer books and Torah scrolls lying in the dirt on the street, desecrated and set aflame.

It was 1938, five years after Adolf Hitler’s reign began. The Bornplatz Synagogue, a grand neo-Romanesque building, was one of the country’s largest. Now it stood desecrated, one of hundreds of Jewish institutions damaged or destroyed in the state-sponsored pogrom on Nov. 9-10. That day came to be known as Kristallnacht, or the Night of Broken Glass, a euphemism referring to the many windows shattered.

Hundreds of Jews died from the attacks, and up to 30,000 Jewish men were sent to concentration camps. Blaming Jews for the violence, the Nazi government fined the community an impossible-to-pay 1 billion reichsmarks. In Hamburg, the Jewish community was forced to sell the damaged synagogue, which was soon demolished.

 Over the past few years, the location of this former landmark has become the site of controversy as residents debated whether and how to rebuild the old synagogue, which would demolish the memorial standing there today.

 

As a scholar of German-Jewish history, and the ways it is remembered, I believe the plan touches an open nerve: how Germany grapples with the need to memorialize the past, while also supporting a revitalized Jewish community today. For some, rebuilding the old synagogue is a sign of Jewish life returning to flourish in the city; for others, rebuilding the site is an erasure of past trauma.

Road to remembrance

Germany’s reckoning with the Holocaust, and the responsibility to commemorate the victims, is a long and winding process. In the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust, most Germans turned inward, mostly focusing on their own hardships, and did not dwell on the suffering of Jewish victims.

Catalysts for change included Adolf Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem in 1961 and the Frankfurt Auschwitz trials in 1963-1965, in which 22 camp staff were tried. Witness testimony and widespread media coverage increased awareness of the atrocities at the concentration camps and death camps. The broadcasting of the American miniseries “Holocaust” in 1979 made the past present in every West German living room. Local activists also began to uncover Jewish histories in Germany’s small towns.

A symbolic moment in Germany’s reckoning was the 50th anniversary of the November Pogrom. The 1988 commemorations were marked by a wave of events in both West and East Germany, including an opening ceremony for a Jewish museum in Frankfurt. The chancellor of West Germany, Helmut Kohl, was in attendance – a sign that attention to Jewish life and history was becoming part of a deliberate policy.

By 1988, the Bornplatz Synagogue had been mostly turned into a parking lot. One could walk through and easily forget that a center of Jewish life once stood there. But the city of Hamburg marked the 50th anniversary by unveiling a new memorial on the site. Designed by the local artist Margrit Kahl, a mosaic floor depicts the outline of the destroyed synagogue and its dome. 

 

According to architectural historian Alexandra Klei, Kahl’s memorial was “one of the first” of its kind to mark an “empty space in the city an object of remembrance.” It now serves as an intentionally open gap in an otherwise bustling university area.

Soon after, the square was renamed in honor of Joseph Carlebach, the synagogue’s last rabbi, who was deported to Jungfernhof concentration camp near Riga. He was murdered in a mass execution in a forest nearby in March 1942.

An old-new building

In Hamburg, members of the Jewish organization that serves as the official representative to city and state institutions envision rebuilding the old synagogue – a way of revitalizing Jewish life in the same space where it once flourished.

The idea gained traction in 2019 after an antisemitic attack in a synagogue in Halle, a city in central Germany, on Yom Kippur. An online petition in support of rebuilding received more than 107,000 signatures, as well as the support of Christian leaders and local politicians.

Other synagogues have been built on the sites of destroyed ones in other German cities, such as Dresden and Mainz. These buildings were intentionally designed to look modern, never to be mistaken for the originals destroyed in the Holocaust. Nor were they displacing a significant memorial.

In Bornplatz, by contrast, the community imagined building a replica of the original, even at the potential expense of Kahl’s work.

 

Several dozen intellectuals, both Jewish and non-Jewish, strongly opposed this idea, arguing for the power of empty space to send a message. Rebuilding a replica synagogue on top of the memorial, they contended, would erase the memory of the destruction, as if the November Pogrom never happened.

Whose Judaism?

Whether to fill the space with an old-new building isn’t all that is up for debate. The synagogue controversy is about Jewish life in Germany today, argues Hamburg sociologist Suanne Krasmann, and about the kind of Judaism that should be memorialized.

After the Holocaust, the fall of the Soviet Union and the reunification of Germany, the demographics of the Jewish community in Germany radically changed. Today, the overwhelming majority of the roughly 100,000 people affilliated with the Central Council of Jews in Germany are immigrants from the former Soviet Union or their descendants.

In Hamburg, the main Jewish community is led by Rabbi Shlomo Bistritzky of Chabad, an Orthodox denomination with no historical roots in prewar Germany. By contrast, critics of the Bornplatz Synagogue reconstruction point out that the city has an important place in the history of Liberal Judaism and the Reform movement. Historian Miriam Rurüp, for example, drew attention to the sorry state of the former Poolstraße Temple, that movement’s first purposefully built synagogue.

 

Past is present

Despite the objections, the Hamburg assembly unanimously voted in 2020 in favor of rebuilding. The following year, a feasibility study concluded that the project would indeed have to relocate Kahl’s memorial, or build over it entirely.

At the same time, the report noted, “We cannot restore the historic Bornplatz Synagogue. The Bornplatz Synagogue was annihilated by the Nazis.” The new synagogue will not be the same as the 1906 building; the past cannot be rebuilt as if nothing happened.

The project is years from completion, as is a potential Jewish museum. It is unclear what form they will take. Eighty-six years after the November Pogrom, Germany is still working through its past; Hamburg’s psychological landscape remains marked by an invisible “under construction” sign.